IMAGE  EVALUATION 
TEST  TARGET  (MT-3) 


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Ptiotograpmc 

Sciences 
Corporation 


23  WEST  MAIN  STREET 

WEBSTER,  N.Y.  14580 

(7;6)  872-4503 


i^\]^    <|i> 

^ 


CIHM/ICMH 

Microfiche 

Series. 


CIHM/ICMH 
Collection  de 
microfiches. 


Canadian  Institute  for  Historical  Microreproductions  /  Institut  Canadian  de  microreproductions  historlques 


T«chnical  and  Bibliographic  Notas/Notos  tachniquas  at  bibliographiquas 


The  Institute  has  attempted  to  obtain  the  bast 
original  copy  available  for  filming.  Features  of  this 
copy  which  may  be  bibliographically  unique, 
which  may  alter  any  of  the  images  in  the 
reproduction,  or  which  may  significantly  change 
the  usual  method  of  filming,  are  checked  baiow. 


D 


Coloured  covers/ 
Couverture  de  couleur 


I      I    Covers  damaged/ 


D 


Couverture  endommagie 

Covers  restored  and/or  laminated/ 
Couverture  restaur^  et/ou  pelliculAe 


□    Cover  title  missing/ 
Le  ti 


titre  de  couverture  manque 

loured  maps/ 
Cartes  giographiques  en  couleur 


r~n    Coloured  maps/ 


□    Coloured  ink  (i.e.  other  than  blue  or  black)/ 
Encre  de  coulsu;  li.e.  autre  que  bleuo  ou  noire) 

I      I    Coloured  plates  and/or  illustrations/ 


Planches  et/ou  iliustt  ations  en  coulaur 


Bound  with  other  material/ 
Rail*  avac  d'autres  documents 


Tight  bidding  may  cause  shadows  or  distortion 
along  interior  margin/ 

La  re  liure  serrie  peut  causer  de  I'ombre  ou  de  la 
distorsion  lo  long  da  la  marge  intiriaura 

Blank  leaves  added  during  restoration  may 
appear  within  the  text.  Whenever  possible,  these 
have  been  omitted  from  filming/ 
II  se  peut  que  certaines  pages  blanches  ajouties 
lors  d'une  restauration  apparaissant  dans  la  taxta, 
mais,  lorsque  cela  itait  possible,  cas  pages  n'ont 
pas  M  filmAes. 


Fyn    Additional  comments:/ 

I— J    Commentaires  supplAmentaires; 


CREASED  PAGES  MAY  FILM  SLIGHTLY  OUT  OF  FOCUS. 


D 

D 


D 


L'Institut  a  microfilm*  le  meilleur  exemplaire 
qu'il  lui  a  iti  possible  de  se  procurer.  Les  details 
de  cet  exemplaire  qui  sont  peut-dtre  uniques  du 
point  de  vue  bibliographique,  qui  peuvent  modifier 
une  image  reprodu:te,  ou  qui  peuvent  exiger  una 
modification  dans  la  mithode  normale  de  filmage 
sont  indiquAs  ci-dessous. 


r~|   Coloured  pages/ 


Pages  de  couleur 

Pages  damaged/ 
Pages  endommag^s 


□    Pages  restored  and/or  laminated/ 
Pages  restaur^as  et/ou  pelliculdes 

r~p^  Pages  discoloured,  stained  or  foxed/ 
Uli    Pages  d^colories,  tachet^es  ou  piqudes 

□Pages  detached/ 
Pages  ditachies 

[""T'^^Showthrough/ 
L^    Transparence 

0   Quality  of  print  varies/ 
Quality  in^gala  de  I'impression 

□    Includes  supplementary  material/ 
Comprand  du  materiel  suppl^mantaire 

□    Only  edition  available/ 
Seule  Mition  disponible 


D 


Pages  wholly  or  partially  obscured  by  errata 
slips,  tissues,  etc.,  have  been  rafilmed  to 
ensure  the  best  possible  image/ 
Les  pages  totalement  ou  partiellement 
obscurcies  par  un  feuillet  d'errata.  une  pelure, 
etc.,  ont  M  filmtes  A  nouveau  de  fapon  ^ 
obtanir  la  meilleure  image  possible. 


This  item  is  filmed  at  the  reduction  ratio  checked  below/ 

Ce  document  est  filmi  au  taux  de  reduction  indiqui  ci-dessous. 

10X  14X  18X  22X 


12X 


16X 


Z 


20X 


26X 


30X 


24X 


28X 


32X 


The  copy  filmed  here  hes  been  reproduced  thanks 
to  the  generosity  of: 

Metropolitan  Toronto  Library 
Canadian  History  Department 

The  images  appearing  here  are  the  best  quality 
possible  considering  the  condition  and  legibility 
of  the  original  copy  and  in  keeping  with  the 
filming  contract  specifications. 


L'exemplaire  film6  f ut  reproduit  grAce  i  la 
g6n6rosit6  de: 

Metropolitan  Toronto  Library 
Canadian  History  Department 

Les  imager  suivantes  ont  iti  reproduites  avec  le 
plus  grand  soin,  compte  tenu  de  la  condition  et 
de  la  nettett  de  rexemplaire  f  ilm6,  et  en 
conformity  avec  les  conditions  du  contr&t  de 
filmage. 


Original  copies  in  p<'inted  paper  covers  are  filmed 
beginning  with  the  front  cover  and  ending  on 
the  last  page  with  a  printed  or  illustrated  impres> 
sion.  or  the  back  cover  when  appropriate.  All 
other  original  copies  are  filmed  beginning  on  the 
first  page  with  a  printed  or  illustrated  impres- 
sion,  and  ending  on  the  last  page  with  a  printed 
or  illustrated  impression. 


Les  exemplaires  originaux  dont  la  couverture  en 
papier  est  imprimis  sont  film6s  en  commenpant 
par  le  premier  plat  et  en  terminant  soit  par  la 
derniire  page  qui  comporte  une  empreinte 
d'impression  ou  d'illustration.  soit  par  le  second 
plat,  selon  le  cas.  Tous  les  autres  exemplaires 
originaux  sont  fiimis  en  commenpant  par  la 
premiire  page  qui  comporte  une  empreinte 
d'impression  ou  d'illustration  et  en  terminant  par 
la  dernidre  page  qui  comporte  une  telle 
empreinte. 


The  last  recorded  frame  on  each  microfiche 
shall  contain  the  symbol  — ^  (meaning  "CON- 
TINUED"), or  the  symbol  V  (meaning  "END"), 
whichever  applies. 


Un  des  symboles  suivants  apparattra  sur  la 
dernidre  image  de  cheque  microfiche,  selon  le 
cas:  le  symbols  -^signifie  "A  SUIVRE",  le 
symbols  V  signifie  "FIN". 


Maps,  plates,  charts,  etc..  may  be  filmed  at 
different  reduction  ratios.  Those  too  large  to  be 
entirely  included  in  one  exposure  are  filmed 
beginning  in  the  upper  left  hand  corner,  left  to 
right  and  top  to  bottom,  as  many  frames  as 
required.  The  following  diagrams  illustrate  the 
method: 


Les  cartes,  planches,  tableaux,  etc.,  peuvent  6tre 
filmds  d  des  taux  de  reduction  diffdrents. 
Lorsque  le  document  est  trop  grand  pour  dtre 
reproduit  en  un  seul  clich6,  il  est  film6  d  partir 
de  Tangle  supdrieur  gauche,  de  gauche  h  droite, 
et  de  haut  en  bas.  en  prenant  le  nombre 
d'images  ndcessaire.  Les  diagrammes  suivants 
illustrent  la  mithode. 


1  2  3 


32X 


1  2  3 

4  5  6 


w   . 


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m-'  J : 


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^metf  ^^li^[M«ii^eJf^J^^^iiiism^^ 


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0Om^1SS^  Of  tM  mVTISp  Sf  AMP 


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SEP^    1934 


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V 


.;,;«.: 


ADDRESS. 


't-ti^p 


mc  undtfrHgntd  imfnbers  of  Ue  Borne  of  ReJ^reientativ^fy  «^ 
=;*         V  their  resfiecHjte  Qonatituenta.  ,^ 

A  Republic  ha*  fer  Us  ias^t^ecapactty  ana  tt^^i  ihc  pto. 
toUpm^bt  of  the  1lbe#^ 


«r:  when  secret  se*«oti»,  multiply ;;  and  in  proportibrt  to  the 
irnpomnce  bf  queiitions/is  iKe  studious  conc^lment  of  debate, 
ti  people  may  bS^siured,  that,  wch  pfaftic^s  coutinuvig:,  <hei# 

freedom  is  but  short  lived.         '"     "      ^       ^  \u  r  ,^.^.1^ 

Reflections,  sttdh  as  these,  have  bcien  forced  upon^the  atten- 
tion of  the  midcrsigned,  Members  bf  tU"  House  af  Re^rresenta* 
lives,  of  the  Uwted  States,  by  the  ctcnis  oflh*  present  sessiotl. 
of  bongress.    they  have  withessed  a  principle,  adpptpd  as  th^ 
law  of  the  Hoilse,  by  which,  undtir  a  novel  applKatwn  of  the 
previous  questioni  a  power  is  assumed  by  the  majoniy  %6  deiif 
tte  privilege  oftpeecb,at  any  stage,  and  under  any  circumstan- 
ces of  debate. '  And  recently,  bv  4n  unprecedented  assumption, 
the  right. to  give  reasons  for  an  Wlginar  motion^  ha»  bwn  mad^, 
td'deptndttpon  thcwill  of  tbtl  majorifty.  "  ^ 

Principles  more  hostilfe  than  these  to  the  exutfencc  of  repre- 
gctttattve  liberty,  cannot  ea»iiy  be  conceived.  Ii  is  not,  howev- 
cv  oh  ih0se  accounts,  weighty  as  t>ey  arc,  that  the  undersignea 
have  uhdertalteh"  t^s  acldr«Je»4.  A  subject  of  higher  an4  iftoMi 
Immediate  imponaricc  impels  them  to  the  present  duiy.    '  " 

•  tlie  momentous,  question  ot  war,  ^th  Gi^eatBmato,  is  dc- 
cidetl.  On  this  topic,  so  vital  to  y«mr  iiiterests*^  the  right  of  pub* 
lie  debai>;,  iu  the  face  of  the  world  aitd  especidUf  dt  ibeir  con* 
|«itucnrs,  has  been  denied  to  yoUl  rcprcsenl*^tiv^s.  They  have 
ieen  called  tiito  SfeCrei^  ^ssiohi  oK  tbis  nio#t  itfiercs^iig  of  aft 
your  pnbHo  T^t^tlms,  althloofh  fhe  ^J^cumstatice^^ 
im  of  the  nati6a>  afforded  m  one  reason  for  seferety,  utUtss  it 
be  fbtmd  iji  th&^^  ^pp»eh<§«8ion  of  tiie  ett'ect  of  puljac  debai*;,  aft; 
lubHc  opiiatitt4  w  ol  ptibUc  o|iittioii  ea  the  rcBilu  o»  the  vot9.    * 


i 


: 


f 

ft 


r-.> 


.  N 


I      Except  the  w^msreof  President  of  the  tJnlted  Statea, 

#h.xh  IS  now    before   thi  pul>Iic,  nothing  confidential  was  com- 

irtiracated.     That   roessa^e  «,oiJtBir»ed    no    fact,  not  previously, 

linown.     No  one  reason  for  war  was  jnt^tnate^,  but  such  as  w«Ui 

,ol  a  nature  public  and  noioiriousi       The  intention  to   was e  war 

^  «n(i  invade  Canada,  had  been  Jon^  since  openly  avov/ed.  The  ob- 
ject of  hostile  enace  had  been  otitentailQUjay  annouoced.  Thft 
Jnadeqtiaty  of  both  our  army.und  navy,  fur   aut  cessful   invasion, 

,   Wid    thei^Mifficiency  ot  the  foriificationji  for  (he  a«(;urity  W«ur 

"  «eaboard  Wti^,  ewry  wbtre,  k;)own. .  Yet  the  doprs  of Co^gresa 

^^tre  shut  upon  the  people.  They  have  been  careCuity  kept  ia 
Ignorance  of.  the  pipgress  of,  in fcasu res,  until  the  purposes  of 
«t)H.iniptraii«,t)  wf-re  consummated,  &  the  fate  of  the  cquntry  sea- 
fed.  It)  a  situation  so  eittraordinary,  the  uudcrsigned  have  dee^ 
fticd  11^  their  duty  by  jno  ^ct  of  theirs  I'o  sai^ction  a  proceeding. 
«o  novel  and  arbitrary,  ,,^n  the  contiary,  ihey  W^dc  every  ^ 
tcnipt,  in  their  power,  jb  attain  pubficily  for  their  procjccdin^s^ 
All  such  attein|>i;8  wei:6:vatn.  When  this  impmentdus  subjpct 
%as  stated,  as  fpr  debate  ;  they  demanded  that  the  doors  should 
oe  opened-  .        :  '  ,, 

This  being  refused,  th^y  declined  discussion  j  being  perftectif 

^convinced,  from  indications,  tpo,,  plain  to  bemis^ndcrstaod,  that^ 
in  the  house,  a)]  argument.  With  clospd  doors,  was  hopelesa  j 
and  Ihat.^y  act,  givii.g  impliejd  vaUdity  to  so  flagrant  ifn  abuse 
of  power,  woMl<i  bf  iMtJe  jess  than  treachery  to  the,;  e«»ential 
y^g^i^s  ofa  free, people.  In  the  f(ituati»iu  to  which  the  und^r; 
sined  haye  thus  been, reduced,  they  aic  cprnpelled,  reluptafitiy  to 

Resort  ^o  this  public  d0claration  of  sych  viewsjif  the  state  ^n4 
irel^ii^ns  of  the  couiitryp  4s  determined  their  jvdgmfi  taud  vote, 
ypoh  the  qiiestioo  of  war.,  A'/m0a8ur«  of  this- kiod  jtas  apppar^d 
t^  the  undersigned  to  H  n^ore  itop^j-loasly  dei^dedr  b:f  the 

fjrrumstancf  pi  a;  meswige  ah4  nJftniifcsto  beibg  iprepared>  aiii 
11  culated  at  public  expeucoifi  which  the  causes  for  w%r  wer^ 
^nunierated  and  ,  tjie  niotivefe  for  it  cpncciitrsited, Jp  a  mMllicp 
piiited  to  agitate  and  itifiuej^ce  ih^  publjc  mi|id,  li»  execi^^ 
this  task,  i|  v(iU  be/the  ?tudy  q^  the  undersift^ed  to  reconcile 
l^hegrpatduty,,^hty^owe  to  the  pfftpje,  with  ihfit  constitution^ 
a-espect,  which  Is  due  to  the  admiiiistraiors  of  ^ub%  0hceirns#; 
,1 ,  In  qompienciiig  this  view  of  oj^t^frairs,  the  j^t^feaigned  would 
fail  hi  duty  to  t^iemseiVet,  dM  refr$iin  frou^  reiwriing  %o%^ 

fioMrse,  in.  r<el^tion  to  pti|^ic  ii>«a8ures«  which  t^i?y  iid»pied  a^ 
hav«  uiideviatingly    pursued  Itoip  ,  the  conimeiicement   of  tbi§ 
Jojig  and  eventful  sessiop;  in  w  bicti  they  d«)ibei;at^ly  sac^pilSccii 
ev«:j^  mJiwr  «on8ider4ii»ul%  *h*t-il^y  d^€iai«^ 
^sts 'or;thexo|intry.  ,  :}[:'-''\^   ,    i;-'^-''  ,.'    .,•■,;;..■'.;/'-...,:■";;".„.„ 

.i'oii  a  succession  of  yeajcs  the  undersigned  have^froipprmcl* 
tile  dsapprovecl,  a  scrie^i  of  restrictioiis  ttpoa  commerce,  accord«> 


mtd  bfurioui,  chieiJv,  to  ourselves.  Success,  in'  the  system,  fiiC 
become  identified  with  the  pride,  the  character,,  and  the  hope  oP 
aur  cabinet.  A»  is  natural  with  men,  who  havie  a  great  aiako 
depending  on  the  success  of  a  favorite  Uiegry,  pertmacity  seeyn^ 
ed  «a  increase  as  its  hopelebness  became  appaT:^nt.  As  the  inr 
efficiency  of  this  system  could  not  be  admitted,  by  its  advo^catfea^ 
without  en»"*'^P'P  ^"  abandonment,  ill  5>ucce«s  wjis,  <?arcf|*Uy  at-" 
tribwted  to  the  influence  of  opposition;  >    ^  ^ 

•  To  this  cause  the  people  wer^  taught  to  charge  its  wccessivo. 
feiUures,  and  not  to  its  intrinsic  iml^ecUity.  In  this  state  of  Mv«n?» 
the  undersigned  deemed  it  proper,  to  tal^e  away  all  apploq;y  tof 
adheience  to  this  oppressivi?  system.  They  were  desirous,  aj 
«  period  so  critical  in  publjc  affairs,  as  far  as  was  consist^ntivitk. 
the  independence  of  opinion,,  to  cpntrifcutc  tp  the  restorauon  oC 
harmony  in  the  public  couucUs,  and  concord  ampng.  the  pe6* 
Pie.  And  if  j|i)y  advantag(e  could  be  thus  obtained  m  ou?  Wff 
iiRrt  relations,  the  undei^iiftitd,  being  engaged,  m  nO  purpoa^ 
of  pf*8onalor|^any  advancement,  would  rpjoiqe,  jn  s^ch  an^c-w 

'  currenoe.  "■    ■  K,/,.;:    /  V'/'^  -  ''^ '>■'';"  ^  -'<""  -v'  ''-^    ^  '     kr  .u-. 

The  course  of  ppbUc  ipeasure?  also,  at  the  opening  ft  th^ 
MMwion,  8av<!i  hopjj  that  In  enlarged  ana  enlightened  system  of 
defence^  w^t^  provisioof  for  security  of  our  aj^ritwne  Tights,  wa» 
gbouitb  be  commenced}  a  piirpose^  which,  wherevef  loui^d, 
they  deemed  it  their  duty  to  foMer,  by  giving,  toany  sptem  <^ 
jneaj^ure*,  thus  edmpVehensive,  at  qnobstrupted  a  course  as  wa* 
consistent  with  their  general  4enae  <?rijubhc4uty/  After  * 
course  pf  po%,  thus  liberal  ^d  POnciUatory,  it  W^s  cause  of 
regret  tl^at  a  cpmmunipatian  should  hayebeen  pi^r<^hajj,ed  by  an 
unprecedented  expenditure  of  secret  aeryiceu^oney }  and  used* 
Ijy  the  chief  magistrate,  to  ,  dia?ie«nin»te  suspicion  anajealousyte. 
and  tp  esiclt©  i^eseotment,  i^mqng  ttie  citizens,  by  sugg<istipgim*; 
^tiltioni  ^^atnsl  %  pprtiott  of  tMn»»  a».uniner^4  by  l^eu-  ^tr*?: 
otisip^WiWAvasrVfmted  by  evidence*  ,  s.       .    .  i^^ 

itHs.Alway?  b<?en  the  opinion  of  the  undemgtle^,  tl^ta  syi*' 

tenipf  peace  w«?il^e  policy,  which  niost  comported  With  the 

.  fchar^tei>  cotidition,  and  interest  of  the  United  Sutes ;  that  their 

Teinotenes^  from  the  theatre  of  contest,  in  Europe,  was  th#if  p«* 

Cttii^r  felicity  a»4  thai  Bot|iing>uf  a  necessity ^  absolutely  n»pi»* 

li^ua  slM^uidindute  tkem  td  e^iter' a*  liarties  into  wars,. mwhid^ 

fi-yery  coniidefatipn  o^  v irtuer^nd  policy  *e<sma  to  be  forgotten, 

mnder  the  overbeaiing  away  of  rapacity  and  Ambition.    The»e  i» 

a  now  em  in  human  affairs,,    The  j^uropeau  world  is  convulsed. 

The  #d(v«in<aoe6of  ourown  sit^uation  a^e  peculiar.    »' Why*  quit 

:..me-  own  to  6^an4  upon^reign  grpuiid-i  Whyj  by  interleaving 

our  destiny  with  that  of  an>  p^^rt  of  Europe,  entangle  our  pcacj 

jind'pimiii»eruy  Ml  vibe  toil*  of  ^^^rojjfari  oimbluon,  wvaiahip>  i^^ 

lerC'St^.JjianottrrQr  9i*gt'ife  i*"^  :\.-, '!,    y .,..  -    "\  ■■,'■■  '^''; 


7i 


;>^l 


'  V  r 


A 


^^  addition  to  the  many  moral  and  prudential  conKMeratianS^ 

_^l|Fhicfi,  should  deter  thoughtful  men  from  hasteninj?  into  the  perk» 

.lis  of  Huch  a  war,  there  were  spme  peculiar  to  the  United  States, 

tesultihg  from  the  tejlturc   of  the  jyov^ernmfrtt  and  the   political 

t'tflations  of  the  people. '*^^  form  of  government,  in  no  small  d«- 

Ifrec  experimental,  composed  oT  powerful  and  independent  8ovc» 

^eipnties  associated   in  reIatloni,'sou»e  of  which  are  <Sritical,  as 

iNreJJ  as  novel,  should  not  be  hastily  precipitated  into  situations^ 

calculated  to  put  to  trialj  the  strenj^h  "Of  the   nrxoral  bond,   bf 

^hlch  they  are  united.  ''  Qf  all  slates,  that  of  war,  is  most  likcljr 

to  call  into  activity  the  passions,  which  uro  hostile  and  dan^erv 

MOWS  ibsticti  albr'm  of  gdvernment.  ^'^Ime  Is  yiet  itnpprtant  to  our 

"fouritry  lo  settle  and  mature  Its  recent  iiistituttons.  "  Above  all, 

It  appeared  to  the   iJndersrigned  from  sigiis'not  t6  be  mistatken^ 

that  if  we  entered  upon  this  war,  we  did  it  as  A  divided  |Jeople< 

Ijbt  oh>y  frOm  a  sense  of  the  inadequacy  of  our  means  t6  6ucce's4 

:|j«i  from  tntiral  and  |)oruical  objections  of  great  weight  and  vei 

iy  geticral  Influence.  .        •     .  ...s*    ;v.,.,^Kf», 

If  appeifrs^  to  the  undersigned,  thftt  the  wrongs,  of  which  the* 
^nited  States  have  to  complain,  although  in  some  aspects,  vef*y 

-y^rielrous  to  our  interests,  and,  in  manyyhximiliatingto  our  pritlcj 

vere  yet  of  a  nature,  wRich,  in  the  prese<»t  «tate  of  the   votX^ 

/fcifher  would  not  justify  war,  or  which  war  would  not  remedj% 

JThus,  for  instance,  the  hovering  of  British  vessels  upon   our 

*oafcts,  find  the  occasional  insults  to  our  port*,  iiiiptriously  dfi> 

;  ,|inahdie.d  sbch  a  systematic  appiicatibn  'of  harbor  ,and  sea  co?lst 
'defence,  aii^would  repel  aiicbaggressions.^ut,  in  ho  light,  can 
fhev  be  considered  as  making  a  resort  to  ^ar,  at  the  present  time'; 
kti  tne  part  of  the  United  States,  either  nec<sssar3P'i  brexpedJeuti 
fio  atso^  with  respect  to  the  Indian  war,  of  the  origin  of  whlcbi 
but  vtjry  imperfect  imformation'has  yet  bct^n  igiv6n  to  ^e 'pub- 
lic. Without  anjf  express  act  of  CongieSa,  an  expediiion  was, 
last  year,  #tton  toot  and  prosecUtedinto  Indiim territory,  which 
iiad  been  relinquished  by  treaty,  on  the  part  of  the  U.  Stateii. 
ilha  ntKv  we  are  told  about  the  agency  of  British  traders,  asHo 
Indian  hostilities.  It  deserves  consideration  whether  there  t««i 
been  such  proyident  attention,  as  w>onId  have  been  proper  lore- 
Stnove  any  *cMtc  of  complaint,  eiihei*  real  or  imagihary,  wh^ti 
IN  Itidians  might  alledgcr  and  to  secure  their  friendship.  Witli 
ill  the  sympathy  and  anxiety  excited  by  the  state  of  that  front- 
ier ;  important  as  it  may  bei  to  apply  adequate  means  of  prbtec- 
tiorr,  against  the  Intiians,  how  is  its  safety. ensured  ty  a  decrara-* 
iionoiiyar,  which  add*  ihe  Britiiii  to  ihentmiber  of  enemies  ? 
•  As  **a»decent  respect  to  l^e  dpiuions  of  matiktticl'^ims  notiit- . 
ifluced  tl»e  ttro  houses  of  -Chmgreits  to  concur  *in  deelsTin^l^ 
tea^onsj  or  motivrs,  for  their  enacting  a  declaration  of  war,  the 
VBiiersigned  ai>4  ihe  public  are  ieft  to  search,  elsewhere,  f&c 
t^Osea  citber  real)  qr  bsieoMble.    If  we  ftre^to  con»ki©f  th«.t^m 


j.iuii)i<!Liaj 


Cf 


1 


iiident  of  tho  United  States,  and  the  committee  of  the  hotisft 
lUnresentattve*,  on  foreign  relations,  aa   speaking:  on  this  »«h 
i'^roecasion,  ror  Congress,  the  United  States  havc^r^^^^^^^^^^ 
cipal  topics  of  coroplamt  agfinst  Great  Bntaiu      Iinprcssmenls  ;  ^v, 
—blockades  i— and  orders  in  coUPQil-  ,         „  . 

Concerning  the  subject  of  impressment,  the  undersigned  sym- 
♦>athize  with  our  unfortunate  sewneii,  the  victims  of  tl^is  %bUs© 
of  power,  and  participate  in  the  national  sensibility,  oii  their  ac- 
count.  They  do  not  conceal  fi^m  th«?m»clve8,  bqth  Jts  miport* 
»nce  and  its  difficulty  t  and  they  are  tveU  aware  how  siubbornit 
the  will  and  bow  blind  the  vision  of  powerful  nation*,  when  great 
interests  KJ'ow  into  controversy,  .    i  • 

But^  bofoie  a  resort  to  war  for  suclv interests,  a  moral  natto.9 
V^ill  consider  wj?^t  is  just,  and  a  wi«e  nation  what  is  expedient. 
if  the  extjrcise  of  any  right  tO  the  full  extent  of  its  abstract  na- 
ture, be  inconsistent  with  the  safety  of  ^another  natiori,  moram| 
»eems  to  require  that,  in  pfactice,  its  exercise  should,  m  this:Ve- 
spcct,  be  modified.  If  it  be  proposed  to  vindicate  any  right  bjT 
Vrar,  wisdom  demands  that  it  should  be  of  a^udture,  by  war  to  bo 
obtained.  Tne  iij:"<-»:sts  connected  with  the  subject  of  imprt^sj 
iDent  arc  unquestionaoly  great  to  botli  nations;  and  iiv  the  ful| 
extent  of  »b»u-att  right,  w  w^serted .  by  <ew;l), .  gerhkiijs  i^ 

^  li^lvc  gtvemmentof  the  United  State*  assert*  th^  broad  pr«v 
ciple  that  the  Bag  of  their  merchaiu  vessels  shall  protect  thQ 
,the  mariners.  This  privilege  is  claimed,iilthQUgh.  every  perspw, 
on  board,    except  the  captain,  may  be  an  alien.  ^  ^  1   , 

The  British  government  asserts  that   the  allegiance   ofthetr 
.Wihjccts  is  inalienable,  in  time  of  ^srar,  and  that  their   seamen, 
Ibuud  On  th6  »ea,  th?  common  highway  of  natjons,  *ball  nott^ 
jjioiectedvby  the  Bag  of  private  merchant  ve|iSels.  _, 

The  undersigned   deem  it  unnecessary  here  to  dikuss   tfio   ; 
question  of  the  American  claim,  for  the  itnm«mt;r  of  their  flag. 
But  tliey  cannot  reft-aih  from  viewing  it  as  a  principle,  of  a  na- 
ture very  broad  and  comprehensive  •,  to  the  abuse  of  which,  thj 
temptiitions  are  strong  and  numerous. ,   And  they  do  maiht^is 
that,  before  the  calamities  of  war,   in  vindication  of  «wch  a  pri^*- 
ti'ple  be  wcurred,  all  the  means  of.  negociation  should  be  ex- A^ 
ki^usted,  and  that  also  evjery  practicable  attempt  should  be  mad d 
to  regulate  the  dSefcisc  Of  ih^  rights  so  that  the  acknowledg«t| 
-iojury,  resulting  to  other  nations,  shoi>(d  be  checked,  iC  "®'^  ^*'®*  ' 
vented.    They  are  clearly  of  opinion  that  the  peace  of  this  bapr 
rpy  |ind  ni^sing  community  should  not  be,  abandoned,  fot.the  s*R# 
»i^  affording  facilities  to  |over#»Hich  ^otjertyl^^  to  ©^^^ 
jiriiish  seameb.  -      ; 

-■^.  ThjB  claim  Of  Great  Britain  to  the  services  of  her  seameitif , 
>tr0ithi|j' npyel, ; hor  peculiar,     IThe  doctr;ne   of  allegiance,   fo^. 
r  -^iiich  shc^CQhtcnds  is  common  %o  aJl  iue  guvciTuucfiU  0|  ^U*y|»v?~ 


■i 


ix 


'  1. 


.,-# 


# 


I '« 


S«neef «« 'well  as  tln^lancl,  ha»  maintabed  it  i6r  •entorle*.  Bot|^ 
tions  r.taini,  in  time  of  war,  the  services  of  their  subjects.  Both 
tty  decrees  forbid  their  entering  into  foreign  employ.  Both  re* 
4|ik!i  them  by  proctumntion. 

'  No  man  can  doubt  that,  in  the  present  state  of  the  French 
marine,  of  American  merchant  vesseh  were  met  at  sea,  having^ 
JPretich  seamen  on  board  France  would  take  them  aWiU  anf 
in*D  ^believe  that  the  U.  States  would  go  to  war  against  Franca^ 
on  this  account  ? 

,  For  very  obvious  reasons,  this  principle  occasions  little  coU 
lision  with  France,  or  with  any  other  nation,  except  England. 
V(iih  the  English  nation,  the  ptople  of  the  United  States  are 
«ioseIy  assimilated,  in  blood,  language,  intercourse  habits,  dress« 
manners  and  charaicter.  When  Britain  is  at  war  and  the  United 
States  neutral,  the  merchant  service  of  the  United  States,  hoUh| 
utitto  British  seamen,  temptations  almbst  irresistable ; — hi^h 
Yttgea  and  peaceful  employ,  instead  of  wag^s  and  war'Service; 
j^safety,  in  lieu  of  hazard  ;->«Dtire  independencei  in  the  piac9 
'>6f  qualified  servitude. 

'  That  England  whose  situation  Is  insular,  who  is  engaged  Ik 
A  war,  apparently  for  existence,  whose  ae^men  are  her  bulvyarK* 
«hould  look  upon  the  effect  of  our  principle  upon  her  safct^ii 
with  jealousy,  is  inevitable ;  and  that  she  will  not  hazard  the  prac-« 
aical  cvnsequences  of  its  unregulated  exercise,  is  certain.  Tho 
l|uenion,  therefore,  presented,  directly,  for  the  decision  of  the 
thoughtful  and  virtuous  mind,  in  this  country,  is— ^wl^ether  war^ 
ibr  ^ch  ah  abstract  rigtit  be  justifiable,  before  ttttenipiing  to 
suard  against  ha  injurous  tendency  by  legislative  regulation,  ia 
JItilure  of  treaty.  h      ,'^ 

A  dubious  right  should  be  ad^nced  with  hesitaticm  An  extfemli 
l^ght  should  be  asserted  fi/ith  discretion.  Moral  duty  requireif 
4hiit  a  nation,  before  it  appeals  to  arms^  should  have  been,  not  orur 
](f  tratfto  itself,  but  that  it  should  have  failed,  in  i^o  doty  to  otfi- V 
4trs:  If  the  exercise  of  a  right,  in  an  unregulaticd  li^anner,  be  in 
direct,  ;a  standing  invitation  to  the  subjects'of  a  foreign  power  tor 
Income  deserters  apd  traitors^  is  it  no  injury  to  that  power^ 

'Ceri^nly,  moral  obligation  demands  that  the  right  of  A^g  'lik«J 
All  other  human  rights  should  be  so  used,  as  that,  while  it  pro^ 
tccts  whJit  is  our  own,  it  should  not  injure  what  i»  anc^r'Si  Iti 
«  practical  view,  and  so  long  as  the  right  of  tag  i»  restrained,  bjr 
no  regard  to  the  undeniable  interests  of  others^  a  war  on  accoun^ 
of  impressments,  is  only  a  war  for  the  right  of  ernploying  BribR 
4ab  seamen,  or  board  American  merchant  vessels. 

Tl^e  claim  of  Great  ftritain  pretends  to  nofujrther  e|itent  thait 
io  i^e  British  seamen  from  private  j||erchaht  vesaels.  In  fli© 
oxercise  of  thU  claim,  her  officers  take  American  seamen,  an^ 
iforei^ti  Mamen,  in  the  American  service  ;  and  although  she  mt^ 


'ilT^  ,'■ 


* 

fiotihtc'lV  prievouft  injuries  have  resulted  to  the  seftmeji  of  thCl 
United  Stales.  Hut  the  question  is  cun  war  be  proper  lor  such 
cause,  before  all  liope  of  reasonable  accommodation  has  failed? 
Even  after  the  extinguishment  of  such  hope,  -%n  it  be  proper^ 
\iiuil  our  oWn  pruclicc  be  so  rcfjulatcd  as  to  rcrffove,  in  such  for- 
eign nation,  any  reasonable  apprehenaion  of  injury  ? 

The  undersigned  are  clearly  of  opinion  that  the  employment 
of  British  seamen,  in  the  merchants  service  of  the  U.  States,  ia 
as  little  rcconcilcable  with  the  permanent,  as  the  present  interest 
of  the  United  State*.  The  encouragement  otforeign  seamen  is 
the  discouragement  of  the  native  Aniencan. 

The  duty  of  government  towards  this  valuable  class  of  men  ta 
not  only  to  protect,  but  to  patronize  them.  And  this  cannot  ue 
done  more  effectually  than  by  securing,  to  American  citi»en» 
the  privileges  of  American  navigation.  '^ 

The  tjuestion  of  impressment,  like  every  ftthcr  question  rela- 
tive to  commerce  has  been  treated,  in  such  a  manner,  that  what 
•was  possessed,  is  lost  without  obtaining  what  was  sought.     Pre- 
[tensions,  right  in  theory,  and  important  in  interest,  urged,  with* 
lout  due  consideration  of  our  relative  power,  have  eventuated  it» 
fa  practical  abandonment,  both  of  whut  we  hoped  and  what  we  ei>- 
joycd.     In  atlemptmg  to  spread  our  flag  over  foreigners,  its  di»* 
tinctive  character  has  been  lost  to  our  own  citizens. 

The  American  seaman,  whose  interest  it  is  to  have  no  com** 
petitors,  in  his  employment,  is  sacrificed  that  Uritish  seamen  raajr 
have  equal  privileges  with  himself.  >  -y  ■ 

Ever  since  the  United  States  have  been  a  nation,  this  stibject 
has  been  a  matter  of  complaint  and  negotiation  ;  and  every  for- 
mer administration  ha^e  treated  it,  according  tpf  its  obvious  na- 
ture, as  a  subject  rather  for  arrangement  than  for  war.  It  exis- 
ted, in  the  time  of  Washington,  yet  this  father  of  his  couhtryi 
itcoramcndcd  no  such  resort.  |t  existed  in  the  time  of  Adantis, 
yet,  notwithstanding  the  zeal,  in  support  of  our  maritime  rights, 
which  distinguished  his  administration,  war  was  never  suggest- 
ed by  him,  as  the  remedy.  During  the  eight  years  Mt.  Jeffer- 
son stood  at  the  helm  ofainurs,  it  still  c<ff\tinued  a  subject  of 
^ntroversy  and  negotiation :  but  it  yvas  nevpr  made  a  cause  foU 
war.  It  was  reserved  for  the  present  administration  to  press  this 
topic  to  the  extreme  and  most  dreadful  resort  of.  nations  :  al- 
though England  has  officially  disavowed  the  rig.ht  qf  iinprpss- 
menV,  as  it  respects  native  citizens,  and  an  arrangement  might 
well  be  made,  consistent  with  the  fair  pretensions  olsUch  as  are 
Daiuralized.  /  ' 

That  th«  real  state  of  this  question  may  be  understood,  the 
undersigned  recur  to  the  toUo wing  facts  as  supported  by  official 
ilocuments.  Mr.  King,  when  minister  in  England,  obtained  a 
Stsavowal  of  the  British   government    of  the    right  Jto  infipres* 

i.M   A  ^^^:_.^ i .'_'•! 'I ^..^_it ^'A  »-*   m^4^\k  nn    .« A,^«.«.'.o  ,    #\r,  #K£,   Kicjink  ' 

.     ^AMivjriwMU  SwipiiiiifJIj       iiJi^ESSTJiiiSl  — •*  as    Tl  ^H  •••»    SJ~i.ir-'J     ^r^s  TIES      -_      viy    ' 

'^''     J^  .  vi  .    ■     ■  .      ''         ,■"■.'■ 


r*<51 


\.' 


jifto,  -  An  arrangement  hacl  advanced,  nearly  to  «  •nnetntiltiift^ 
tjppn'this  basi  ai»d  was  kroken  oft' only,  because  Glea;  Bruai()i 
.Jbsisted  to  retain  the  right  on  "tlie  narro'v  seas."  What  how«v» 
Ipr,  Waathe  opinion  of  the  American  minister,  on  the  piobahiU'^ 
^f  an  arrangements  ftppears  from  tlfie  public  documents,  commvi- 
Aicated  to, congress,  in  the  session  of  ISo6,  as  stated  by  Mr. 
^adispn,  in  these  words,  "at  the  moment  the  arficfes  were  ex- 
**pccted  to  be  signed^  lan  exception  of  "the  narrow  sea?**  was 
"urged  and  insisted  oh  by  lio.d  St.  Vincents,  and  being  utterljj* 
?•  inadmissible  oh  our  part,  the  negociation  was  abandoned.'* 

Mr.  I^ing  se^ms  to  fee  of  opinion,  however,  "that,  with  m*^'"^ 

f*time*than  was  left  him. for ^he  experiment,  the  objection  might 

"  have  been  overcome."     What  time  wa^  left  Mr.  King  for  thd 

experiment,  or  whether  any  was  ever  made  has  not  been  dis(;los'- 

«,d  to  the  public.     ^Mr.   K-ng,   soon  after  returned  to  America  r 

Jt  is  manifest  from  jVIr.  king's  expression  that  he  "Wfais  limite^ 

"in  point  of  time,  and'  it  is  equally  clear  that  his  opiniop  was  that 

win  adjustment  could  take  place.     That  Mr.  Madison  was  also  6i 

tJ^e  same  opinion  is  demonstrated,  by  his  letters  to  Messrs.  Mon- 

x/oe  and  Pinkney,  da|ed  the  3d  of  February,   I807i    in  which  hb 

,tises  these  expressions.      "I  take  it  for  granted  that  you  have 

"not  failed  to  make  due  use  of  the  ^rrangem*nt   concerted  bjr 

/«  ;p^r»  jELing  with  Lof;d  HawHsburjf,  in  the  year  \iQ2,tov  settling- 

,<*  th^  q,Uf:6tiuy ,  of  impressinent.     On  tHat  occasion  and  under  that 

*i  administration  the  British  firincifikvfaHjairly  renounced  in /am 

;<*  T»f;r,  oftkf  r^^ht  q^  e«r  Jlag^  Lord  Hawkabury   having  agreeU 

*f  fo  jhrohibit  imjirf«entent  on  the  high  seas  s"    and  Lord  St.  Vin- 

"ce^i^s  requirjhjg,  hqtMng  more  than  an  exception  of  the  narroi^ 

•Xseasi  an  ei;c«ipMon  resting  on  the  obsolete   claim  of  G.  Britain 

,^  to^pn^e  pecnliajr  dpn>)ii:iion  ^ver  them.**    Here  then  we  have  a 

ImU  ftcki\owledgment  ttia^t  tS.  Britain  was  willing  to  renounce  the 

jfigl^tpf  WP»*«5»*n^f.?^  ®R,^M  ^^'^  '®*?'  in  favor  of  our  flag  ;-* 

that  sli9  wa^  ^ixiouj$  to  ar^^^^  '    ,    ^ 

,   Jt  fui-tjber  a,ppea,rs  t'^at'the  BHtisb  minister   called  for  an  in- 

tWvifiWwith  MeVsrs..Mqproe  on  this  topic;    that 

•they  i^t,ated  the  jna^ur<i,<)^tbe  cialm\  the  Kmg's  prerogative  ;  thdt 

.4liey  haxi  consviUedtheC^^vh  officers^  and  the  board  of  admiralty, 

■whoaii.ooncuril^ed  in  sentirrtent,   that  under  the   circumstances 

cif  the  natipn,  the  reluMjuishment  of  the   ri^ht  was  a  measur^, 

.^hJApJh  tije  .governnjcni  qouid  qpt  ado  taRing  on  itself 

<l^yeiy)j>nfi|ibiUi>,  whicH  nn^^  ^P   willing   to  meet, 

however  pressing  the  exigency  might  be.     They  offered,  how- 

e»erv  p^  the  p^t  of  (j  re  at  ,^}U«'n>  i?  Pf  »*  ,l»w  »  .  making  it  penal 


^  tiidsunle  Utoumems,  ih  » lett^i-  troiii'  Messrs «  I^iit^nto^  and 


tnt 


f.vj'.rtVf. 


t-'f' 


Vlp'knet  td  Mr.  Ma«h*son,  dated  Uth'^Novembcr,  180^. 
th-ir  Deremptory  lustructions,  this  proposmon,  oti   the 
Great  Britain,  could  not  be  acceded  to  by  oiir   ministers. 


trnrJ 
pan 


Such, 


horever  was  the  temjier  and  anxiety  of  England,  and  sueh^thj 
<a.  dorand  cood  sense  of  our  ministers,  that  a»  honorable^  and 
IdTJtaeeJsarr^ngrm^^^  did  take  pralr.  The  4Utli«»"ty  of  Wr. 
MonroeftSen  Minister  *^  Great  Britain,   new  Se.. 

«retarv  of  State,  and  one  of  the  present  administration,  who  have 
freco  .mended  war  witK'  En-land,  and  assigned  irapressTtjents  aj 
It  cause,  supports  the  undersigned  in  asserti-ig,  that  it  was  hpnj 
orableandaclvatageousx  for  in  a  letter  from  Richmond  dated 
♦he  28th  of  February,  1808,  to  Mr.  Madison,  the  followmar  e5j- 
pressions  are  used  by  Mr.  Mphrpfe,  «  1  have  on  the  contrary  aif- 
«'vvays  believed  and  still  do  believ^  that  the  ground  on  which 
*«that  interest  (impressment)  wa^  placed  by  the  paper  of  the 
<«  British  Commissioners  of  8th  Nbv'ember,  1806,  and  tbeexpla- 
"nation  which  accompanied  it,  wa«r  both  honorMble  and advania- 
^i^eous  to  tike  United  Siatea,  that  it  ci»ntaiped  ^  cdncession  iri 
^itheir  favor  on  the  part  of  Great  Britai'ii,  ah  the  great  pimctple 
'  «in  contestation,  never  before  made  by  a  formal  and  obligatoty 
«  act  of  their  gQvern^ept,  which   was  highly  fovorable  to  fhelP 

^  'wltrthe  opinion  of  Mr.  K'ng  so  decidedly  expressed,  %itft 
the  official  admission  of  Mr.  Madison,  with  the  explicit  declara- 
tion of  Mr.  Monro*,  all  concurring  that  Great  Brliairt  ^as  readf^ 
io  abandop  impressment  on  high  sfeas,  and  with  &rt  honorable 
and  advantageous  arrangement,  actually  made  by  Mr,  Monro»r 
how  can  it  be  pretended,  that  all  hope  of  settlement,  bjT  treaty^ 
has  failed  ;  how  can  this  subject  furnish  a  proper  caus^  bf  war  ? 

With  rfespect  to  the  subject  of  blockades  ;  the  pfinci^e  ot  the 
law  of  nationsi  as  asserted  6y  the  U.  States,  is,  that  a  blodcadtt 
fcan  only  be  justififcd  when  supported  by  an  adequate  forte.  la 
theory  thi^  principle  is  admitted  by  Great  Britain.  It  is  alledj^ 
ed/  however,  that  infirfictrfe,  she  disregards  that  principle.      - 

The  order  of  blockade,  w^ich  has  been  made  a  specific  ground 
of  complaint,  by  France,  is  that  of  the  I6di  of  May,  1806.  Yet, 
strange  as  it  may  seeirt,  this  order,  which,  is,  now,  made  on* 
ground  of  war  between  the  two  countries  wasi,  ac  the  time  o»  *^^ 
first  issaing,  viewed  as  art  act  of  favtir  and  conciliation.  Oa  thiips 
subject  It  15  necessary  to  be  explicit.  The  vague  and  indeteri 
minate  manner,  in  which,  the  American  arid  French  govern. nents, 
in  their  official  papers^  sp6ak  bf  this  order  of  blockade,  is  calcui 
i'atfcd  to  mislead.  An  importance  is  attached  to  it,  of  which,  m 
the  opinion  of  the  undersigtied,  it  is  not  worthy.  Let  Uie  facjf 
speak  for  themsclvies.  '      '  '  |  lhV 

In  Aug.  1804,   the  British  established  a  blockade   at  the  en» 
lanuce  of  the  French  ports,  naming  them,    from  Fcca-np  to  Oa* 


!M)UU  >  «»UU  M  WJUk  Mtw«« 


f> 


^4 


I    ( 


Cei^ce^ofalt  complaint,  we  may  Ue  permitted  to  believe  that  i| 
'Wasalep:al  blockade,  enforced  accordipg  to  the  usages  of  na* 
tioriB.  On  the  16th  of  May,  1806,  the  English  Secretary  of  State*^ 
^ir.  Fqx  notified,  to  6u^  Minister,  at  London,  that  his  govern- 
ittent  had  thought  fit  to  direct  necessary  measures  to  be  takei^ 
for  the  blockade  of  the  coasts,  rivers  and  ports,  from  the  river 
jBlbe  to  the  river  Brest,  boih  inclusive.* 

•  , In  point  of  fact,  as  the  terms  used  in  tbo  order,  will  show, 
ihis  paper,  vi'hich  has  become,  a  substantive  and  avowed  cause 
ifor  pon  intercourse,  embargo  and  war,  is  a  blockade,  only  of  thei 
places,  oh  the  French  Coast,  from  Ostend  to  the  Seine,  and  even 
us  10  these  it  is  merely,  as  it  proiesses  to  be,  a  continuance  of  a 
former  and  existing  blockade.  -  For  with  respect  to  the  residue 
«f  the  coast,  trade  of  neutrals  is  admitted,  with  the  exception  on- 
ly, oi  entmy's  property  and  articles  contraband  of  war,  which 
are  liable  to  be  taken,  wilboyt  a  blockade ;  aqd  except  the~  di* 
^^cct  colonial  trade  ot  the  enemy,  which  Great  Britain  denied  to 
iie  free  by  the  law  of  nations.  Why  the  lorder  was  thus  extend- 
ed in  its  form,  while  in  effect  it  added  nothing  to  orderii  and 
regiulations,  already  existing,  will  be  known  by  adverting  to  pa- 
{)ers,  which  are  before  the  world.  In  I80C^  France,  had  yet  col- 
4)nie«  and  ahtf  wound  inflicted  on  our  fecangs,  by  the  mlerfer* 
ence  of  the  Bri>i^  government  in  our  trade,  with  those  colo- 
aiies,  httd  beett  the  canse  gf  remonstrance  and  negotiation.  At. 
the  moment  when  the  order  of  May  1806,  Vas  made, -^Ir.  .Vton- 
roe,  the  present  Secretary  of  State,  then  our  mnnsier  plenipo- 
tentiary ^t  ihc  Ct)tiirt  of  Great  Britain^  was  in  treaty  on  the  sub- 
ject ol  the  carrying  trade,  and  judging  on  the  spot,  and  at  the 
time,  he,  unbesitatingly,  gave  his  opinion,  that  tnc  order  was 
made  to  fr  or  Americaii  views  and  intcresis.  Thi»  idea  is  une- 
quivocally expressed,  in  Mr.  Monroe's  letters  to  Mr.  Madisoa 
of  the  irtb,  and  20tht  of  IVlay,  and  of  the  9th  of  June,  1806. 


*2Vie  ttrma  oj  the  order  are  these^  "  That  the  aaidcoQst^river* 
*^and  fiorts  ntuat  be  considered  as  blockaded,**  but.^  ^^  that  tuch 
^^blGtkade  ahallnot  extend  tofireveiki  neutral  ahifis  iff  veaaelii  laden 
**'!vith  goodie  not  being  the  firo/ierty  of  hia  majeaty'a  entmiea,  and 
**not  being  cantrpbond  o*^  tvar  from  app-roaching  the  adid  coaata 
§*  and  entering  into  and  sailing  ^'rom  thi  aaid  rivera  and  fiorta  save 
«*anii  except  /Ae  coaata^rtvers  and  fiorta  frbm  Oatend  to  the 
**river  Seiner  already  in  a  atate  of  atrict  and  figoroua  Hock'* 
^^ade  ;  and  which  are  to  be  conatderedaa  ao  continuedy**  with  a 
^Kfiroviao  that  the  vea&ela  entering  had  not  beenjaden  at  a  port 
*^  belonging  fo,  or  in  poaaession  t/,  the  enemiea  of  Great  Jbritainy 
i*and  the  jieaaela  departing  vtere  not  deatined  to  an  cnemy'e 
**portfOr  had  previoualy  broken  blockade.** 

tXth)  May  1806 1  *e  thus  afieaka  of  that  blockade.  It  ia  "  cquchee^ 


n 


0  believe  that  i| 
the  usages  of  na« 
ccretary  of  State^^^ 
thct  his  govern- 
ures  to  be  takei^ 

»  from  the  river 

>rder,  will  show« 

nd  avowed  cause 

kade,  on4y  of  tho 

SeinC)  and  even 

continuance  of  a 

ct  to  the  residue 

he  exception  on- 

d  of  wav,  which 

d  except  the'  di-«> 

Britain  denied  to 

vras  thus  extend- 

j  to  orders  and 

adverting  to  pa- 

ncC)  had  jet  col- 

by  th€  inierfer* 

with  those  coio- 

hegotiation.     At 

made,  -Mr.  .Vton- 

luniHier  plenlpo- 

eaty  on  the  »ub« 

spot,  and  at  the 

it  tne   order  was 

L'hi  >  idea  is  une- 

to  Mr.  Madison 

June,  1^06. 

aaid  coqst^  river» 
but,,  "  that  tuch 
a  ii^vesaehiladeti 
ty'a  erumi^H^  and 
f  the  said  coasts 
raandfioria  save 
t  Oatetid  to  the 
Hgoroua  tlockt 
ntinuedf**  with  a 

1  laden  at  a  fiors 
oj' Great  hritain^ 
i  to  an   cnetny*.Q 

e.  It  is  ^*cqucAe4 


Aiifl  as  late  as  OctoTjer,  1811 ,  the  same  Gentleman,  'writing  itk> 
Seci-ta'"  of  State  to  the  British  ministisr,  apeaking  of  the  sam« 
or.HTol- blockade  of  May,  18015,  says,  «  it  strictly  was  little  morft 
•Mhdii  a  bWUade  of  the  coast  from  Seme  to  Ostend."  "  Th© 
«objtfCt  was  to  afford  to  the  United  States  an  accorampdatioa 
<t  respecting  the  colonial  trade."    '  ,  «vj  i 

li  appears,  then,  that  this  order,  was,  in  point  of  factf^mad^  t» 
favor  our  trade  and  was  so  understood  and  admitted  by  the igov- 
#mment  of  this  country,  at  that  ti  e  and  since  ;  that,  instead  of 
ifcnding  prior  blockades  it  lessened  them ;  that  the  country 
from  Seine  to  Brest,  and  from  Ostend  to  Elbe  was  inserted  to 
open  them  to  our  colonial  trade  and  for  our  accommodation,  and 
that  it  was  never  made  the  subject  of  complaint,  by  the  Aineri^ 
can  government,  during  its  practical  continuance  t  that  is,  not 
until,  the  iirst  order  in  council ;  and  indeed  not  until  after  the  tst 
of  May  1810 ;  and  until  after  the  American  government  was  ap- 
prized of  the  ground,  which  it  was  the  will  of  France  should  bo 
taken  upon  the  subject. 

Of  this  we  have  the  most  decisive  proof,  in  the  offers,  mad* 
tinder  the  administration  of  Mr.  Jefferson,  for  the  discontinuance 
of  the  Embargo  as  it  related  to  Great  Qritain ;  none  of  which 
required  the  repeal  of  the  blockade  of  May  i806  ;  and  also  ia 
the  arrangement  made  during  the  administration  of  Mr.  Madi- 
sori,  aad  under  his  eye  with  Mr.  EJrskine.  The  non-intercourse 
act  of  March  1 809,  and  the  act  "  concerning  commercial  inwr« 
"  course**  of  May  1810,  vest  the  President  of  the  United  Stateik 
witb  the  very  same  power,  in  the  very  same  terras.  Both  au* 
thoiise  hith  "in  case  either  Great  Britain  or  France  shall  sore- 
«  voke  or  modify  her  edicts,  as  that  they  shall  cease  to  violato 
*^the  neutral  commerce  of  the    United   States'-   to  declare  tho 


«  in  terma  ofreatraint  and  firqfeaaes  t§  extend  the  blockade  fur-*. 
«  i/jer  than  wa«lK?re/«j/bri?  rione, -nevertheless*  it  takes  it  fron» 
«*  many  ports,  already  blockaded,  indued,  from  all  Mast  jJ  Oatend^ 
*^and  Ityeat  of  the  Heine,  excefyt  iti  articlea  contraband  oj  xoar  and 
«  enemiea  firo/ierty,  which  are  aeizable  without  blockade.  And  in 
^  like  form  of  excej[ition,conaiderinff  every  enemy  da  one  fiotoer^ 
^*' it  admit  a  the  trade  of  neutrala,  within  the  aame  limita,  to  be 
^^free  in  the  firoductiona  of  enemiea  coloniea-,  in  every,  but  the  di- 
iirect  route  between  the  colony  and  the  fiarent  country."  Mr, 
Mttnroc  adda0*  It  cannot  be  c  >>icied-  that  the  note  was  drawn  bif 
*'  the  government,  in  reference  to  the  queatton,'and  if  intended  aa 
« the  foundation  of  a  treaty  muat  be  viewed  in  a  favorable  light.** 
Onthe2Q(h  of  May,  Monroe,  writea  to' Mr,  Ma^iaon^  that  he  had 
been  ^^strengthentd  in  the  opinion  that  the  order  of  the  1 6/ A  wat 
^  dr*wn  wit,h    a  viexv   to  the  gue^tipn  of  aur  trade  iviih  enemiet^ 

^  4;,(fmtitercialiM€reg»s-J*       » 


Ifliroe  by  procl^raatiort.  And  hy  the  provisions  of  one  law  in  suctt 
pi^iiis  nen -intercourse  was  to  cease ;  bf  those  of  the  other  it  wat 
to  be  revived.  In  coospquencc  pf  power  vested,  by  tj»e  ftrstact, 
the  aiTangentent  Mrith^]^i"sik.in^  yt'tis  made  and  the  rCvpcatJon  of 
.the  ot^era  in  council  of  January  and  November  I  SOT,  was  cOnV 
•idefed  as  a  full  compliance  witb  the  .laiW  as  removing  all  thqf 
,  *utiinfliUfa,l  edicts.  The.  blockade  of  May  1806,  was  not  includ- 
ed ip,,ttie  arran^:ement,  and  it  does  not  appear^'t^at  it  was  deen*? 
«4<»i"  sufficient  importance  te  enj^ageevenai  thouv5ht.!^yet  unfj^ftT; 
the  act  of  May,  1810,  which  vests  the  very  same  power,  a  revo- 
cation of  this  blockade  of  May,  1806,  is  made  by  pur  cabinet  a- 
^ztf  qua  non  ;  V  aR  indispensible  requisite  \  •  ^nd  now,  after'  jthe 
j&rxtisn  minister  ha»  directly  avowed  that  thi^  order  of  blockade 
icould  not  continue  after  a  revocation  of  the  orderS'ii^  coun?;i!, 
*itlu)Ui  a  due  application  of  an  adequate  force,  the;#ki^ence  6i 
this  blockade,  is  insi  ed  upon,  as  a  justiciable  cause  of /War;- not* 
Ifcitb&tanding,  that  our  gjOvjeruVnent  admits  ^blockade  is  leg;alrtb 
the  maintenance  of  which  an  adequate  force  is  applied*        •  >' 

The  undersignjed,  ai-e.awajre",  that,  in  justification  of  this  new 
l^round>it  is  now  said  that  thie  (extension  on  paper,  for  whatever 
j»urposeintmded,  tavorji  the  priiiciple  ot  paper  blockades.  Tbiii 
ixowever,  can  hardly  bs  urge^,..sinQe  the  British,*  formally  disri 
•»vow  the  principle,-  and  since  tljej^: acknowledge,  the  very  doc- 
trine ot"  the  law  of  nations,  for  which,  tjbc  American  administra* 
^ou  contend,  henceforth,  the  existence  of  a  blockade  becomes  q( 
^uestioa  of  fact:  it  must  depend  upon  tho evidence  adduced,  VQk 
*upp#>rt  of  the  adequacy  of  the  blockading  force,  I 

Fiom  the  precedii^t;  statement  it  is  apparent,  that  whateve^^ 
tJi4f«^  is  objectionable,  in  the  principle  of  ihe  order  of  May  1806» 
or  in  ihe  practice  under  it,  on  gro^ind  niqrely  Anierican,  it  can- 
IQoi  be  set  up  as  a  sufllicient  causie  of  war  j  for  lintil  France^ 
|>oii)ied  it  out  as  a  cause  of  controversy,  it  was  so  far  from  being 
j^^aidiid,  at  a  source  of  any  new,  or  grievous  coaiplaihty  that  it 
Was  actuaUy  considered,  by  our  government,  in  a  favorably 
■light. 


'    »  Mr.  Foster  in  hut  letter  of  ihe  Srf  July  1 8 1 1 ,  f  •  Mr,  Monroe 
tliua  states  the  doctrine  maintaintd  by  hia  government. 

'"  Great  Britain  has  never  attemfited  to  disfiute  that  in  the  or- 
dinAry  course  o^' ihe  law  ofndtionsy  no  blockade  can  be  justijiable 
■cr  vatidy  iinlesa  it  be  su/i/iurtcd  by  an  '-\adeguate^Qrce  destined 
to  ma/ntain  it  and  to  exfiose  to  haatai'd  all  vessels  attempting  td 
tvade  its  o/ieration.  , 

"  Air.  Foster  in  hia  Utter  to  Mr.  Monroe  on  the  25th  July^  1 8  ll# 
«/iO  hays.  The  %iockace  of  Amy  1106,  will  not  continue  ajter 
the  rt/ical  of  the  orders  in  council  unless  /«»•  Majtsty*s  govern^ 
me/it  nhiiU  ihtnk  ft  to  sustain  il  by  ihe  special  u/i/uicatiijn  of  a, 
^uJ^Uunt  navui  /'arcc.  a' ill  1  he  fact  <{/' its  being  si  continued^ Qt 
ti?t.y  tvtil  oe  nyiifud  at  the  iimct'* 


he  other  it  wa# 
by  t|»e  fjist act, 
e  revpcatJon  of 
I80f,  was  crtnV 
moving  all  thflf 
was  not  includ*, 
at  it  was  deenH 
j[ht.f5retum^ 
>Ower,  a  revo-* 
r  our  cabinet  9^ 
now,  after'  )the 
ier  of  blockade 
lers'in>  coun?;il, 
he 'exigence  of 
ise  of  ^aTi-uot* 
Lade  is  leg;al,  tb 
iplied.  •  "' 
ion  of  this  new 
r,  for  whatever 
Qckades.  ,Thi» 
,•  formally  dis^ 
5,  the  very  doe- 
:an  admtnistra* 
icade  becomes  ^ 
ice  adduced,  i(k 

tbat  whateve^^ 
;r  of  May  180^, 
rierican,  it  can- 
>r  until  France^ 

fa*"  from  being 
>aiplaihty  that  it 
in  a   favorablQi 


/•  it/r,  Monroe 
nent. 

f  that  in  the  or- 
atn  be  Justifiable 
choree  destined^ 
\a  attemptins;  to 

2^th  July,\%\U 
t  continue  ajter 
ijtsty'i  govern- 
it/i/Hicoti>jn  of  a, 
80  iontinued^  of 


•the  ffritish  Orders  in  Council  are  the  femainin?  source  of  • 
asconient,  and  avowed  cause  of  war.  These,  have,  ^eretofofe, 
Len  considertd,  by  our  government  m  connection  witl.  th* 
trench  decrees.  Certainly,  the  British  Orders  in  Council  and 
trench  decree's*  form  a  system  subversive  of  neutral  rights  aij4 
Constitute  just  grounds  of  complaint,  yet,  viewed,  relatively  to 
to  the  condition  of  those  powers  towards  each  Other,  and  ot  th« 
United  States  towards  both,  the  undersigned  cannot  persuad© 
themselves  that  the  Orders  in  Council,  as  they  now  exist  anj 
tvith  their  present  efFecr.  and  operation,  justify  the  selection  ttf 
Great  Britain  as  our  enemy  j  and  render  necessary  a  Ueciaratloii 

if  unqualified  virar.  -^  .  ji^.^ 

Every  consideration  of  moral  duty,  and^  political  expedicn- 
cv,  seems  to  concur  in  warning  the  United  States,  not  to  mm*, 
gle  m  this  hopeless,  and.  to  human  eye,  interminable  European 
contest.  Neither  France,  nor  Enprtand,  pretends  that  their  ag- 
gressions ean  be  defended,  on  the  ground  of  any  other  belliger- 
ent right,  than  that  of  parlicuUr  necessity.  ■  ^ 
Both  attempt  to  justify  their  encroachments,  on  the  general 
lawof  nations,  bv  the  plea  of  retaliation.  In  the  relative  posuwiji 
and  proportion  of  strength  of  the  United  States,  to  either  bel-- 
ligerent,  there  appeared  little  probal?ility,  that  we  could  cotnt>«» 
the  one,  or  the  other,  by  hostile  operations,  to  abaadon  tiiB> 

■i)lea.  ■-/  ^  '       .     '»        I.     -    ■  iji 

And  as   the  field  of  commercial  enterprise,  after  allowing », 

the  decrees  and  orders,  their  fal5    practical  effect,  is  stiii  ricl     ^ 
and  extensive,  there  seemed,    as  little   wisdom  as  obligation  to 
yield,  solid  atid   certain  realities,   for  unattainable  pretensions* 
The  right  of  retaliation,  as  existing,  in  either  belligerent,  it  waSi 
impossible,  for  the  United  States,  consistent  with  eitherits  duty, 
or  interest,  to  udn^it.      Yet  sMch  w^s  the   state   of  the  decrees^' 
and  orders  of  the  respective  belligerents,  in  relation  toths  ri|hi* 
of  neutrals,  that,  while,  on  the  one  hand,  it  formed,  no  justifica«rf 
tion  19  either,  so  on  the  other,  concurrent  circtfmstinces,*  form- 
ed a  complete  justification  to  the  United  States,  in  niuintaining'i 
notwith^anding  these  encroachments,  provided  it  best  comport^f 
ed  with  their  interests,  that  system  of  impartial  neutralityv  whicll 
is  so  desirable  to  their  peace  and  pros>periiy.      For  ^f  it  should, 
be  adtniftted,  which,  no  course  of  argument  can  maintain,  that  tb^ 
Berlin  decree,  which  was  issued  on  the  21st  of  November,  1 80»i 
Was  justified,  by  the  antece<ient  orders  of  the  British  adn|iralty, 
respecting  the  colonial  trade,  and  by  the  order  of  a  blockade  of 
the  16th  of  Maj ,  preceding,  yet,  on  this  account,  there  resulted 
no  right  of  retaliation  to  France,  as  it  respected   the  ^  If,  States^ 
T4iey  had  expressed  no  acquiescence  either  in  the  British  inter-* 
fprence  with  the  colonial  trade,  Or  in  any  extensiun  of  the  pritW  '  ; 
<;iD!es  of  blockade.     Besides,   had  there  been 'auy  such  neglects 
on  the  ^ait  of  the  Unued  Stages,  as  wari^atiijed  tUe  JfreT>ch'emp» 


'ibr  in  adopting  his  pjrinciple  of  retaliation,  yet  m  th6  exerciae  of 
that  pretended*  ris^ht*  he  past  the  boundH  of  both  rii'>!ic  luw  and 
ijeceocy  ;  and,  in  the  very  extravasjance  of  that  extrcis',  IobI  the 
advantage  of  yrhatever  colour  the  British    had   afforded    to   Jhis 
pretences.     Not  content  with  adopting  a  principle  of  retaliation, 
in  terms  Hmitpd,  and  appropriate,  to  the  injury  of  which  he  com- 
plained, he  declared,  "all  the  British  Islands,  in  a  state  of  "  block- 
<*ade;  prohibited  all  tommerce  and  correspondence  with  them, 
"Wall  tt-ade  in  their  manufactures  ;    and  made   lawful  prize  of  all 
*•  nierchandije,  belonj^in];  to  England,  or   coming  from  its  man- 
« ufactures,  and  colonies."      The    violence   of  these   encroach- 
meius  was  equalled  only  by  the   insidiousness  of  the  le>ms,  and 
jaianher,  iil   which  they    were  promulgated.      The  scope  of  the 
expressions  of  the  Berlin  decree,  was  so  general  that  it  embrac- 
ed within  its  sphere,  the  wholtJ  commerce  of  neutrals  with  Eng- 
land.   Yet  DecreSt  Minister  of  the  Marine  of  France,    by  ^  for- 
mal note,  of  the  24th   i>ecember, ,  1806,   assured    our   minister 
Plenipotentiary,  that  the  imperial  decree,  of  the  2 1st  November, 
1806,  "was  not  to  affect  our  commerce,   which  would  stiU  be 
•*i?overned  by  the  rules  of  the  tr«»ty,  established  between  the 
*iwo  couBtries."  Notwithstanding;  this  assurance,  ho\^ever,  o^ 
the  I8th  September  following,  Regnier,  Grand  Minister,  of  jus-, 
lice,  declared  « that  th^  intentions  of  the  Emperor  were  that,  bf 
*  virtue  of  that  decrefc,  Frendh  arm^-d  vessels,   might  seize  iu 
<«heutral  vessels,  either  jfcnglish,  property,  or  merchandise  pi  « 
**ceeding  from  the  £li|giish  manufactories;   and  that  he  had  re- 
<»  served,  for  future  decision  the  question   whether  they   might 
.•*  not  possess  themselves  of  neutral  vessels  going  to,  or  frona 
«»  England,  although  they  hid  no  Ehglish  manufactures  on  board." 
Preieiwions,  so  obviously,  exceeding  any  measure  of  retaliation 
that,  if  the  precedent  acts,  of  the  British  government,  hadaiTord- 
^d  to  such  a  resort,  any  colour  oi  right,  it  was  lost  in  the  violence^ 
^and  extravagance  of  ihe  assumed' principles. 

Xo  the  Berlin  decrees  succeeded  the  British  orders  it\^ council^ 
«f  ihe  7th  of  Januury,  1807",  which  were  merged,  in  the  orders 
©f  the  1 1  th  of  November  following.  These  dcclarei  "all  ports^ 
and  places  belonging  to  France,  and  its  allies,  from  which  the 
British  flaj?  was  excluded,  all,  in  the  colonies  of  his  Britannic 
majesty's  enemies,  in  a  state  of  blockade ; — prohibiting  all  trade, 
in  the  produce  and  manufactures,  of  the  said  countries  or  colo- 
nies ;  and  making  all  vessels,  trading  to  or  from  them,  and  all 
merchandise,  on  board  subject  to  capture  and  condemnation^ 
•with  an  exception,  only  in  Uvour  of  the  direct  trade,  betweej> 
neutral  coantries  and  the  colonics  of  his  majesty^s  enemies." 

These  extravagant   pretensions,  on  the  part  of  Great  Britain, 
■were,  immediately  succeeded  by  others,  still  mtire  extravagant^ 
jon  the  part  of  Fiance.     VVithoUt  waitinir  iov  any   knowledge  of 
ttic  course^  the  American  government  would  take|jn  relatioii,^ 


to 


liritisT)  w^era  1n  council,  Ithe  French  E't^peror  isqit'edi'i 
Ithe  17th  ot*  Decembq.r,followinf^^  hh  Milan  d-rref, hy  vhir'i  " 
|cfy  ship  of  whatever"  nation,  jwhich  hhall  have  sub  liutd 
earch,  by  an  En^jlish  ship,  of  to  a  voyage  to  Enqfla'ul,  or  |-«i(l 
»ny  tax  to  that  government,  are  (declared  denationalized  and  law- 
ful prize.  I 

"  The  British  Islands  are  declared  in  a  state  of  Wockaile,  hy 
Istn  ahd  land,  8c  every  ship  of  whatever  nation,  or  xvhatsoever  the 
lature  of  Hs^argo  may  be,  thai  sails  from  England,  or  those  of 
ihe  English  colonies;  or  of  countries  occupied  by  English  troops, 
ind  proceeding  to  England,  orito  the  English  colonies,  or  to 
:ountries  occupied  by  the  English,  to  be  good  pr;ze."  The  na- 
ture and  ejttent  of  these  injures  thus  accumulated  by  raut\ial 
jfforts  of  both  bHligerents,  sjcmed  to  teaCh  the  Americaa 
Jtatesman  this  important  lessot  ;  not  to  attach  the  Cause  of  hi» 
:ountry  to  one,  or  the  other ;  bfit  by  systematic  ahd  solid  provi- 
sions, for  8ea*coa9t  and  mariti'*e  defence,  to  place  its  interests,  ' 
,  far  as  Us  situation,  and  yeso\ii'ce8  permit,  beyond  the  reach  of 
le  rapacity,  or  ambition  of  anyJEuropean  power.  Happy  would 
have  been  for  our  country,  if  a  course  of  policy,  so  limpid 
)d  obvious,  had  been  adopted  I  i 

Unfortunately  administration  had  recourse  to  a  system,  oom- 
llicated  in  its  nature,  and  destr«ictiv6  in  its  effects;  which  in- 
|lead  of  relief,  from  the  accumifUted  injuries  of  foreign  govern- 
pents  served  only  to  fill  up,  what|was  wanting  in  the  nieasure  of 
rils  abroad,  by  artificial  embafraissments  at  home.     As  lont>:  a-, 
|o,  as  the  year  |794;  Mr.  Madison,  the  present  President  of  thft  , 
Fnited  States,  then  A  member  bf  the  House  of  Representatives^ 
le  vised  and  proposed  a  sy«4emiof  commercial  resti^ictions,  whicb 
lad  for  its  object  for  the  coercion  of  Great  Britain,  by  a  denial 
her  of  our  products  and,  ooji'  market ;  asserting  that  the  for- 
mer was,  in  a  manner   essential  to  her  prosperity,  either  as  no> 
;>isaries  of  life,  or  as  raw  materials  for  her  manufactures ;  JLnd^ 
^^t  without  the  latter,  a  great  pk'oportion  of  her  li^bouring  cKi»» 
fs,  could  not  subsist.  j    , 

In  that  day  of  sagfe  and  virtlaous  forelhou^t,  the   proposition  .^ 
^as  frejecte^.     It  remained,  however,  a  theme' of  unceasing  pan- 
jyric  among  ian  active  class  of  American  politicians,  who  <vith    <, 
systematic  pertinacity  inculdatqd  among  the  people,  that  corrt  . 
lercial  restrictions  wet-e  a  species  of  warfar^i,  which  woulc!  eji--  ' 
bre  success  to  the  UiHted   States,  arad   humiliation  to  Great 
ki'itain.  '■  ' ' '  ■   r    \    ,       '   '  v  ','  '    '  ; 

There  were  two  circum$tances|  inherent  in  this  system   of  co- 
ercing Great  Britain    by  commercial   restrictions,  which   ou.<ht*  i 
have  made  practical  politician^,  very  doubtful  of  its   result, 
id  very   cautious  oi  its.trial.     These  were  the  state  of  opiaiori  / 


;  ^. 


te« 


j  and  the  state  oi  fuciing,  \yhlcU  »  r«&ort  to  it  Wouid  uila^ 


f  mil 


i*^ 


!    . 


fbMably  t>ro<1iice,  in  Creat  Britainj.  On  the  one  hand,  It  vmstidii- 
dfriiable  ihrtt  the  tTtut  body  of  rhmnr^ercial  mn,  in  the  liiiitcdl, 
Slates,  had  no  belief  ii*  such  a  dcdendchcc  of  Great  Bsitaln,  up* 
on  the  United  States,  either  for  oiir  produce^  or  our  market,  aa 
the  svstfem  implied.  >  «         •; 

Without  tht  hearty  co-operatidrj  of  this  class  ©f  men,  succps* 
in  it«  attempt  was  <»bviously  uiiat^ainablo.  And  as  on  them  tho 
ch'ef  suffering  would  fall,  it  was  altosfether  unreasonable  to  ex* 
pert  that  they  would  become  co-J^peratinj;  instruments  in  sup- 
port of  any  system,  which  was  ruin  to  them,  and  without  hope  to 
their  country  On  the  other  hunavaH  it  respects  Great-Britain, 
a  systen  proceeding  upon  the  avowed  principle  of  her  depejnd'* 
«nce  upon  tis  was  among  the  last|  to  which  a  prood  and  power- 
ful nation  would  yield  j 

Notwithstanding  these  obvious  jconsiderations,  in  April  1806, 
J^ir.  Madison,  being  then  Secretajry  of  State,  a  law  pkssed  Con- 
i^resa,  prohibiting  the  importation  of  certain  specified  manufac-* 
t  tures  of  Great  Britain,  and  ^er  dependencies  on  the  basis  of  Mr- 
jWadison's  original  proposition.  Thus  the'United  States  cnt,er* 
cd  on  the  system  of  commercial  hostility  against  Great  Britain. 

The  detree  of  Berlin  was  issiiled  in  the^ns.uing  November^ 
(1SC6.J  The  treaty,  which  had  been  signed  at  London,  in  OeJ 
cember,  1806,  having  been  rejecited  by  Mr.  Jefferson,  witiiout 
being  presented  to  the  Senate  for  ratification,  and  the  non-im- 
portation act  not  being  repealet^,  but  only  suspended,  Great 
Britain  issued  her  orders  in  coti^cil,  on  th&llth  Novemberi 

IS  a,  ■■-["..■■ 

On  the  2 1  St  of  the  same  month,  of  Nov.  Champagny,  French 
minister  of  foreign  affairs,  wrote  tb  Mr.  Armstrong  the  Amcri*i 
<jan  Minister,  m  the  words  following.  "All  the  difficulties 
which  have  given  rise  to  ypur  re(jj[amatians,  Sir,  would  be  re- 
,  moved  with  ease,  if  the  governmertt  of  the  Urtited  State^j,  aftep 
complaining  in  vain  of  the  injustilie  and  violations  of  Englaadj 
to«  k,  with  the  whole  continent,  the ^art  of  guaranteeing  it  there- 


from.**' , 

On  the  17th  of  t^c  ensuing  Decejniber,  the  MUan  decrees  watt 
iSbued  on  the  part  ot  France,  and  live  days  afterwards  tbe  em- 
baigo  was  passed  on  the  part  of  the  United  States.  Thus  was 
<ompicated,  by  aci8  nearly  cot^mporaneous,  the  circle  of  com- 
mercial hostilities. 

After  an  ineffectual  trial  of  fottr  years  to  controul  the  policy 
of  ihe.two  belligerents  by  this  System,  it  was  on  the  part  of  the 
United  Slates,  for  a  tinie,  relinquished.  The  act  of  the  1st  of 
i^«toy,  18 10,  gave  the  authority,  however  to  the  Prcsidsiit  of  the 
United  States  to  revive  it  agairtst  Great  Britain,  ^in  case  F«an<;e 
revoked  her  decrees.  Such  revolfeatiOn,  on  the  part  of  France 
wii*  cieGlarecl'bv  the  Presiclent*9  nrticlaiiiation  on  tjhe  2d  No\Mn» 
ber,  1810,  and,  in  consequence  i>on°interCours6  ivus  (evivmli  bj^ 
tiur  tttlttiuiistrivtionj  a)|;aiu!*t  Ciir«»i  Biitain. 


At  alt  times,  K\\t  wnilerstfrned  hate  Innked,  with  mudi  anxltt. 
Ffy  for  the  evidence  of  this  r.jvocation.     They  wished  m.i  t"  q" -*. 
flinn,  what,   i..  various  forums,  has  been  so  often  assmed  by  the 
lldministration  and  its .av^en^ts,  by  their  directions^  ^^  "nX  of 
Us  citizens,  can   they   cin'^ent  that, the  peace  and  prosperity  of 
Uhe  country  should  be  sacrificed,  in  .Maintenance  of  a  posuion, 
Uh.ch  on  no  principle  of '  cvide;)ce  tivey  deem   tei.able.      They 
frannot  falsify,  or  concealtiieirconvicuon,  that  the  French  de. 
leiees  neither  have  been,  no>-  are  revoked.  _  ■;.. 

I     Without  pretending  to  occupy  vhe  whole  field  of  argument, 
which  the  question  of  revocation  has  opened,  a  concise  statemettt 
Ueems  inseparable  from  the  occasion.  •"<:      t-^ 

[     The  condition,  •n  whir.h  the  noniotercourse,  according  to  tlj© 
Let  of  Ist  May  1810,  mit^ht  be  ijevived  against  Great  Brnam,  was 
lot.  the  part    of   France,  dn  efectual  revocation   <if  het  decrees, 
[what  the  President  of  ;the  United  States  was  bound  to  require 
from  the  French  Government  was,  the  evidence  of  such  effectu- 
*1  revocation.     Upon  this   point  both   the  right  of  the  Unued 
Itates  and  the  duty  of  <|ie  President  seem  to  be  resolvable  into 
ifery  disUnct  and  undeniable   principles.     The  object  to  be  ob- 
bined,  for  the  United  plates  from  France  was  an  rff^f^tual  rcvo- 
Sation  of  the  decrees.   '  A.  revocation:  to  be  effectual,  must,  in- 
eiude,  in  the  nature  i|>f  things,  this  :es&ential   requisite:-  tft« 
wrongs  done  to  the  njcutrai  corartiefrce  of  the  United  States*  by 
,iie  operation  of  the  decrees,  must  be  stopped.     Nothing  short 
^1  this  could  be  an  ef|iBCtuaJl  revocationv 

Without  reference-to  the  other  wrings  resulting  fro n^  those 
lecrees  to  the  comaiorce  of  the  United  States  j  it  will  bd  sufli- 
cient  to  state  the  prominent  wrong  done  by  the  3d.  article  of  ti^ 
Milan  decree^ir  The  nature  of  this  wrong  essentially  consisted 
in  Che  xiuthority  given  to  French  ships,  of  war  arid  pnyateers  to 
make  piize,  at  sea,  of  every  neutral  ves&tl,  sailitig  tq,  or  fro.ij,, 
^nv  of  the  English/ possessions.  The  auihoru'y  to  capture  w*a 
the  very  essence  0t  the  wrong. '  It  follows  therefore  that  an 
\ff'ecmal  re:oacatioti(  required  that  thc'etutjioritytocafiturethoutd 
ie  annulled.  Granting  therefore,  for  the' sake  of  argu.nent,  (waa* 
Iro  /.  itsterms^and  itft  naiH^e  was  <;<)rtaii*ly  pot  the  ca»e)  thactae 

*  This  cuticle  iiiih  thea^  Vtordst  :' V^r  ' 

*'  Art  ill.  The\Britiith  i^landa  are  lared  to  be  in  m*fMjR  qf 
^blockadCi  bot/ib^.tundand  tea.  &v.cnj  ahifi  oj  ivhu^ever  nation^ 
|i<  or  whatsoever  the  hature  <tf  its  carg9  may  *e,  that  aail*  front 
|«  the  ports  of  En^tundy  or  those  o/the  JungUah  colonies  and  o*  the 
\*'^CQuntrie8  0CCUtii'i-<lby  EKgiiah  troo/isahd /irgceidingto  i'.figtaNd, 
{«*  or  to  the  Engliih  CQldnies^  or  to  cQuntrit«t^^occufiied  by  Eusiutk 
[•*  troofis  is  gOi.d:dnd  UwfiU  prize,  a»  Contrary  i^ thf  prmtnt  dc* 
M«  cret  and  may  ufc  capturuUj  oy  but'ftUiL>»  ot  waf  Of  ©«i  i>riy*l«^^ 
f!F«iid  aaj<d|iC|A  10  tiie  eapiw."  '      , 


II! 


9l-\ 


|©>tPd  letter  of  tlip  Puke  of  Catlore  of  the  5th   ofAujtDst    }8I»|| 

Ijcio  f(  rtlVu  icvucuiiou,  v'ood  in  pent  of  fouji,  and  urconditioi  alf 
yrt    //    Hi'un    not    ffi.it  ^fl^ccfvaf  rcvocaiiopy  ior  ^vhich  llie    <■•■  i    of! 
*Ki:  Mil)  1810.  aioiie  auvborise.d  the  PrchidciiVofiht  Urittd  Sluics 
to  thhut  his  proclan-ation,    unlraa   inconsequence  of  that    Uft^'rA 
ihi  authority  to  capture  nuas  itii7iulUU      The  letter itsf if  i>  uo un- 
^^uhrei  t  ot  the  uuil.oriiy  to  capiuie,  and  it  is  i.otoiicuh,   ihat  iio| 
«vic!tijce  ol  the  aiuiulnient  ol  ihis  aulhority  to  capture,  ever  has 
fceer,  i.cduccd.     It  has  nyt  cveii,  betiii,  preicndcd.     On  the  ron-i 
iiHiy  ihtre  is  dtc^^ive,  and  almost  dajjy,  evidence  of  ihe  coniiu- 
^efi  existeiice  ol  this  authority  to  Ci.pt|iire. 

1  he  t.har}.;e  of  ex«tui;iig  the  decrees  of  Berlin  and  Milan  was,  | 
Kb  far  as  conteriieU  his  depattnienf;  j^Uen  by  the  i^rniS  of  t,hoso 
flecit<  t»  lo  the  French  n'iujbU  r  of  Marine.  According!:  to  ebtah- 
jjfhto  principles  of  geucral  lavt,  thcin  pcrial  act,  which  ^ive  the 
authority  ii>u<it  t)Q  ant.uilcd  by  another  imperial  act,  i  (juuily  for- 
J]  ai  af  d  soien  n;  pr,  at  least,  the  auth^iity  to  capture  n;iist  be 
counterniand(;d  by  sonie  order,  or  instrVCiion,  from  the  minister 
of  marine  Nothing  bhort  of  this  could  aniuf  the  authority  ac- 
cording to  the  sea  service.  Was  fcuch  ;^jnuUing  act  evei  issued 
jby  ihc  French  Lmpeior?  Were  any  such  countermanding  or- 
iierh,  or  instructionst  evei  giyen  by  the  rreneh  minister  of  nta- 
tine  ?.  In  exercising  a  irusi,conuiJttt'd  tqhim^by  thpiegit.luurc» 
on  a  p(4nt,  ,80  interesiing*  to  the  neutral  commerce  of  the  tJnited 
Sitiites,  and  fo  i|nponant  to  the  peace  oi'the  nation,  was  it  not 
the  auty  ot  the  President  to  ha>e  the  etidence  of  suih  anntil* 
n  ent,  betore  the  issuing  of  any  proelaniadon  ?  Has  he  ever,  in- 
fcisicd  upon  such  evicience  ?  Was  it  of  no  consequence  in  the  re- 
lative situation  of  this  country,  as  to  loteign  powers,  that  ih© 
.regular  evidence  shuuld  be  received  by  o\y  administration  and 
H:ade  knovin  ?  Why  has  a  matter  of  evidence,  so  obviously  pro- 
per, so  sifiiple,  in  its  mature,  so  level  to  general  apprehension 
and  so  imperiously  demanded,  by  the  circumstance  of  the  case, 
bet  n. wholly  umitted  ?  And  why,  iftheBeriink  Milan  decrees  are 
aniuiled,  as  lb  pretended,  does  the  French  Eii^ieror  withhoU  this, 
«iitience  of  their  aniiulnjent  ?  Why  does  he  withhold  it,  when  the 
question  of  revocation  is  presented  under  drcumstaces,  of  so 
n.nch  tjrgcncy  ? 

Not  m  ly  has  it  never  been  pretended  that^ny  such  impoial 
^ct  of  ani'Ulment  has  issued,  or  that  any  such  orders,  or  instruc-^ 
ti<<n&,  cpuniernianciing  the  authority  to  capiuie^  were  ever  j^ivcn^ 
tvt  iher€  »8  decibiye  evidence  ot  the  reverse  in  the  conduct  of 
ij  c  Freiich  pnblic  urpied  ships  land  privateers.  At  all  times  since 
Ni  v.  18  lO,  thesL  telups  and  privateers  have  continued  to  cainure 
oi:i  vCfSseis  ami  property,  on  the  high  seaS,  upon  the  principles 
ci  he  Berlin  ai.d  iViilau,  decrees.  "A  nutTierous  listof  Americau 
vesM  isi  ihufc  lakm,  snu'e  tht  isi  of  \'ovt  nibcr  !810,  now  cx'^tR 
itt  the  ofiice  of  liic  secretary  ©i  state  f  and  aniong  the  capturfs^ 


'n;- 


r^l 


ion^  ihc  capturej^ 


we  several  vessels  with  their  cargoes,  latelv,  taken  am?  destwIfS? 
eel.  M  sv.»,  without  the  I'ormality  of  a  trial,  by  the  oommd.idci  of 
a  i- 1  ench  squdfjioi:,  at  ijiis  moment,  cruizing  a^a:;>st  our  cotn- 
Micrce,  ui.deo  ordei's,  j;iven  by  the  minister  of  murine,  to  whoia 
the  execution  of  the  decrees  was  committed  ;  and  these  too  issu- 
ed i;j  January  last.  'In  the  Bdkltic  and  Mcditerraneau  ^eas,  cap- 
UuNts  by  French  privateers  are  known  to  us,  by  oilici^l  docu-* 
tn".nts  to  >»ave  been  made,  under  the  authomy  of  th?se  decrees. 
Huw  then  arc  they  rvvoked.'  liow  have  they  ceased  to  violate 
our  neutral  commerce  ? 

Had  any  repeal,  or  modification  of  those  decrees*  in  truth  tak- 
©p  place,  it  musi'  have  been  co  municated  to  the  prize  counsi 
and  would  have  been  evidenced  by  some  vi^riation  either  inttieir 
nil<?s,  or  in  the  principles  of  their  decisions.  In  vain,  however, 
will  this  nation  seek  tor  such  proof  of  the  revocation  of  trte  de» 
cieeb.  No  acquiaul  has  even  been  had,  in  any  of  the  prize  courts, 
tipon  the  je;round  that  the  lierliu  itnd  Milan  decrees  had  ceased, 
even  as  it  respects  the  United  States.  O)  the  contrary  the  evi- 
dence ib  decisive  that  they  are  considered  by  IheVreuch  court* 
as  ujasiing. ,  ^  ,' 

There  ^ro  many/,  cases  corroborative  of  this  position.  It  i*. 
enough  to  state,  only*  two,  which  appear  in  the  oflkial  reports^. 
The  American  ship  juhan  viras  captured  by  a  French  privatocrj 
ot.  lint  4th  July  1811,  and  on  t)ie  letith  ol  September  1811,  the' 
vessel  and  cargo  were  condemned,  by  ttie  council  of  pr^A-j^  .* 
Pans  araong  other  reasons,  6<rcau*tf  «/it  was  mdted  by  ievrai 
Engii.'^h  vcsnels.  On  the  same  day  the  Hercules  an  Americaa 
ship  was  condemi.cd  by  the  imperial  court  of  prizes,  alledgiuj 
"thai  ii  \Vas  impossiuie,  that  she  was  not  visited,  by  the  enemy'* 
ships  ol  war  "  So  familiar  to  them  was  the  existence  of  «*re 
decrees,  amli  such  ihei:'  cagprness  to  give  them  effect  agaiutili 
out  commerce,  that  they  feigned  a  visitation  to  have  taken  piaco 
ai  d  tnat  notwuhsiaudLijg,  the  express  declaration  ot  the  c;i^pti«iii\  ^ 
ami  crevv^  to  he  contrary.  In  addition' to  which  evidcace^  iitli 
Russfcls  ktte?:  to  tiie  J^ecretH.ry  of  State,  dated  8th  May  1 8 11* 
says  *'ii  may  not  be  improper  to  remark  that  no  American  vts* 
«ei  captured  since  the  t  st  November    has  yet  been  released." 

From  thiii  it  ^^  apparent)  that  the  cotnmanders  of  the  national 
"Vessels,  the  prjvaieersuieii,  and  the  judges  'of  the  piize  courts, 
to  whiqli  n»ay  be  added  also  the  custom  house  officers,  whu,  as 
the  luiiiumcntsoi  carrying  into  effect  the  decrees,  must  hav& 
bceu  maue  acquainted  wuh  the  repeal  had  it  existedf  have  bceii- 
irom  hrst  to  l^si,  iKHorant  of  any  revocation;  and  uniformly  ac* 
ted  upon  the  principle  ot  their  Existence.-  ;         | 

it  other  eviiieUce  ol  the  coniiniied  existence  of  those  decree* 
■were  rcquisiie,  the  ac>s  of  the  French  government  afford  such 
«s  Ls  full  ana  explicit.  Champagny,  Duke  ')i  Cadorej  minister  o£ 
^h^i'^  fei^tio^s,  w  his  rc^rt  to  his  lu^^^sty  the^  Mmj;Xer<»r  a<^|k- 


%. 


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Jilnp:,  datftd  Pans  3«]  December,  18'!,  «ppi»tcinfr  of  the  iecre^ 
of  Bi.ilin  h%cl  Miluii,says  exprcHslv  "  A  ^Jook  as  E.uirlund  s^hall 
*•  p' TfjUt  in  licr  ntdci's  in  eouncii*  your  majesty  vtiti  ffraisr ,  in 
•^tiur  dccreen,'*  Than  which  ho  declaration  can  be  more  direct 
*»ot  only  that  the  nerlin  and  Milan  dtrcrces  arc  unrevoked,  but 
tint  they  will  so  reiimin,  until  the  Eii(;lish  orders  in  pouncil  ar6 
tviiliclrawn.  And  in  the  address  delivered,  by  hi»  imperial  majes- 
ty, Njpolcon,  to  the  couicil  of  comnicrce  on  the  3|8t  March 
181  I,  he  thus  declares  "The  derrtes  of  Qcrlin  and  Milan  are 
"  oc  fuuditniental  laws  of  my  Empire.  Foi*'  the  neutral  navi^a* 
,*'iio:»  1  couskler  the  fla^r  as  an  extension  of  territoi-y.  The 
«' power,  which  suifers  its  fla^  to  be  violated,  cannot  be  consid- 
"crcd  as  neutral.  The  fate  of  the  AmericHn  commerce  wjW 
•"soon  be  deciocd.  I  will  favor  ii,  if  tlif  United  States  coiifortn 
*'  thcnisclves  to  those  decrees,  to  a  coi4rai*y  citae,  their  vesst  t9 
Hill  be  driven  from  my  empire.**  .,      ;v' 

Ami  a»  ihte  as  the  loih  of  March  last,  in  a  report  of  the  French 
tiiiiiisier  of  foreign  relations,  communicated  to  the  conservative 
Sc:;aic,  ij  is  declared,  "  that  as  long,  as  the  Britiiih  orders  in 
«ouiicu,  are  not  revoked,  and  the  principles  of  the  treaty  of  U* 
ticcht,  in  relaiion  to  neutrals  put  in  force,  the  decrees  of  Berliu 
und  iVlilai.,  ought  to  subsist;  lor  the  powers  who  suffer  their 
4ia«.  to  be  denationaiiiicd."  In  none  of  these  acts/  is  thofe  any 
exception  in  lavor  ol  tlip  United  States.  Arid  on  the  contrary  in 
the  report  ot  March  last,  by  placini;  those  decrees  on. the  basis 
©1'' the  priijtiples  of  the  treaty  of  Utrecht  **  the  F'  '•  ti'Us- 
terlias  cxicucicd  the  terms  of  rtv  jcution  beyond  aH  t  'io» 

pretensions.  "  ' 

Those  who  maintain  the  revocation  of  these  decrees,  as  it  re- 
•p^'cis  the  United  Stai^^cs,  rely  wholly  upon  the  suspension  of 
tiii  i;ccK>ions>  of  the  Frei  ch  prize  courtSi  in  relation  to  somefcwr 
ve.scis,und  the  iibeiaiion  of  \crs,  by  the  special  direction  of 
tiu  Frti.«,.h  '".nsperor.  Can  i  e  be  stronger  presumptive  evi- 
tlci.ce,  f ;  *  '-  4.xisr4  nee  of  ^hosee  decrees  than  this— that  no  ves- 
ftci  lb  t.xi;c|,v  'd  Li^.ii  their  operation,  until  aftel'  the  special  ex» 
•rcisc  pi  -r.c  Luipe»cr'»  will,  in  the  particular  case. 

if  the.  decrees  were  effectively  revoked,  there  would  be  noi 
•up.uics;  or  if  any  were  made,  liberation  wouid  be  a  matter  of 
ciu^ht  aiid  ol  gci.ci'al  right;  instead  of  being  an  affair  of  ptiriic- 
iiiai  icivor,  ci  Cttjj^iice.  1>  it  tor  xexatious  and  indul)|!;encics  like 
ilixtvc,  tiAat  ihc  pei>ple  of  the  United  Slates  art  to  abaiidon  their 
cou.irttTce  iii»u  peace  r  lb  u  ior  such  favors,  they  arb  to  invite 
liA  lauuDiiies  ol  war  f  it  the  rtsouices  of  negociation  were  tx- 
Jutuuvo,  liati  the  i^cacrnmcnt  no  powers  remaining  to  diminiah 
tii:  twUbct.  qi  ualioiiai  couiioversy,  by  prevenifnlg  iibuses  I  Alter 
thj-i  hud  U  iio  powcra  to  piOvide  toi  protectibjj'  indisputable 
am.  isi.i.or'.iint  rjiijliis,  wiihuut  wa.juir  it  war  ol  yfiVncc  r  lu  ih« 
xe^jiaar  eKcicise,  ol  iw^iwauve  and  lixecuiive  powers;  »uiglit 


r  23 1 


,'.< 


ise,  their  vcssi  (9 


ncvt  the  fa.\v  oV,|art«  of  interest  for  our  country  have  been  HBfitiic 
etl  CO-   plft<  ly.  *^v  consistent  and  wholeso'nc  i>la»n  for  rlcf  ^n!*=v©   , 
protcvLon;    \nd  would  not  a  national  position,    strictly  d-fen. 
ti/e,  yet  »  >UIy  reapectaUle,  have  h*-n  less  burihensome  io  tlio 
I      nle  than  the  projected  war  ?  Would  it  not  he  more  friotidl/ 
lu  ihe  cause  of  our  own  seamen  ;— .more  sufe  for   our  navij^uiioii 
at.d  commerce  ;  more  favorable  to  the  intere»ts  of  our  acfricuU 
turc;  less  hazardous  to  national    character;    more  worthy  of  at 
people  jealous  of  their  liberty  and  independence  ? 

For  enterini?  into  these  hostilities  is  there  anything,  in  tho 
friendship,  or  commerce,  of  France,  in  its  nature  very  intcrcst- 
i»y;^  or  alluring  f  Will  the  reaping  of  the  scanty  field  of  French- 
trade,  which  wc  seek,  in  any  way  compensaie   for  the  rich  har- 
vest of  general  cO  omerce,  which  by  war  we  arc  abou*  tt»  aban- 
don ?  When  enterinv;  into  a  war,  with  Great   Britain,  for  com- 
Jmercial  rights  and  interests,  it  seems  impossible  not  to  enquire, 
linto  the  state  of  our  commercial  relations   with  France,  and   tho 
[advantages  the  United  Stales  will   obtain.     We  may  thus  be  en- 
Iftbled  to  judge  whether  the  prize  is  worth  the  conteat. 
I    By  an  ofBcial  statement,  made  to  Congress  during  ti>e  present 
fiiession,  it  appears  that  of  45,294,000  cloHars  of  domestic  produc- 
Rions  of  the  United  States,  expo-ted  from  Septe   ^ber  3ath,  1810, 
[to  October  1st,  181'.,  only  1,194,375  dollars   were  ej^pirted    U> 
it'ranco  and  Italy,  including  Sicily,  not  a  dependency  of  France.     . 
Fratice  is  now  deprived  of  all  her  forei-^n. colonies,  and  by  re-* 
viewing  onr  trade  with  that  country  for  several   year*  past  and 
^^pforq,  i.ie  date  of  the  orders  in  council,  it  will  appear  that,  ex- 
.clusive  of  her  foreign  possessions,  it   has  been    comparatively" 
finconsidwrable;     The  annexed  statement  marked  A.,  taken  front 
official  documents,  shows  the  quantity  of  particular  articles,  the 
Jjrotlucc  of  the  United  States  txportcid  to  all  the  worldj  distin- 
guishing the  amount  both  to  France  and  to  E.igland  and  her  de- 
i  pendencies  from  ISlo  to  1811.     From  this  statement  it  appears^  , 
Ihow  small  a  propoition  of  the  great  staples  of  our  country  is  lak* 
leik  »  by  France.     While  France  retained  her  coloniesi  her  coj^-' 

»  It  appcat^B  by  it  that  for  twelve  years  past,  France  has  not  ta-' 
^cn  in  any  year  more  than 

Cotton  r,00().000  Pounds    I    Tobacco     '16,000  Hogsheads 
Rice  7,000  Titrces  |     Dried  Fish  87,000  Quintals 

Of  flour,  naval  stores  and  luuiber,  none  of  any  importance. 
It  also  appears,  by  it,  that  the  annual  average  taken  by  Franco- 
iPbr  twfeive  years,  w^as,  of  ^ 

Cotton  2,664.090  Poundi     I     Tobacco      5,927  Hogshead* 
Rice  2,35S  TiercciB    j.  ,Fish  24,735  Quintals 

Of  laie  years  some  of  those  articles  haVe  not  bcisn  shipped  a^ 
till  directly  to  France,  but  they  have,  pr't:it)ai)ly,  found,  thieii-  way 
tttiiher  ttirougut  liie  nGrihern  jpoiVf  oi  i^urope*  . 


\^.} 


f  24 1 

lilaV  pro'luce  foundlts  way  to  the  mother  coutjtry  through  tK* 
tJnited. States,  and  our  trade  with  her  in  these  art  ol'^s.  wa"?  not 
mconsidi.  fable.  But  since  she  has  been  deprived  «^'f  her  iortfi}i;a 
possessions,  and  since  the  establishment  of  hex  tniinicipal  rec»u- 
lat,  ons.  as,  the  licences,  this  trade  }>as  been  In  a  great  degree,  an- 
nihilated. With  respect  to  colonial  ^irodnce  nov.e  can  be  import- 
ed into  France  except  fvom  //artlrn far  port^  of  the  U  States  and 
'Otfder  special  imperial  liccncrs.  For  these  licences  our  mer- 
chants must  pay  r/hat  the  agentsof  the  French  srovernment  think 
proper  to  demand.  As  to  articles  of  our  donrsestic  produce,  they 
afc  bi  rderiCd  with  such  exhorbitant  duties,  and  are  subjected  to 
such  regulations  and  restrictions  on  their  importation  as,  in  or* 
dirary  times,  will  amount  to  a  prohibition.  On  the  5th  of  August 
1810,  the  very  day  of  the  Duke  of  Cadore's  hoted  letter,  a  duty 
Hvas  imposed  on  all  sea- island  cotton,  imported  into  France,  of 
jTiOrp  than  eighty  cents  per  pound,  and  on  oth^r  cotton  of  about 
sixty  cents  per  pound,  amounting  to  three,  or  four,  times  thcip 
original  cost  in  the  United  States.  And  as  tb,tobacco>  the  Frqnch 
Tninister  hereon  the  23d  of  July  1811,  informed  out  government 
that  it  was  "under  an  administration  (en  regie)  in  France  ;  the 
•ftdmitiistration  (he  says)i8  the  ^\^\y  eonspmei'  and  can  purchase 
only  the  quantity  necessary  for  its  consumption."  And  by  oth- 
er regulations  not  more  tnan  one  Jlfteenth  of  all  the  tobacco  con- 
'BUmed,  in  France,  can  be  of  foreign  growth.  The  ordinary  quan- 
tity of  tobacco  annually  consumed  iti  France  is  estimated  at  thir- 
iy  thouiiand  hogsheadsy\t&\v.)^  oi\\y  showi  two  thousand  hog3-» 
}ieads  of  foreign  tobacco  to  be  purchased  in  France. 

l^n  addition  to  these  impositions  and  restrictions,  the  importep 
5s  not  left  at  liberty  with  respect  to  his  return  cargo.  By  other 
edicts,  he  is  con  pelled  to  vest  the  avails  of  his  importations,  iC 
^fter  paying  duties  and  seizures,  any  rertiaiiv,  in  such  articles  o£ 
French  produce  a»td  manutacture,,  as  the  French  government 
thirks  proper  to  direct.  Two  thirds  at  least  must  be  laid  out, 
in  silks  and  'he  other  third  iri  wines,  brandies,  and  other  articlesj 
«f  Uiai  country.  To  show  that  this  account  of  our  commercial 
relatioTiS  with  France:  docs  not  rest  on  douliiful  auihoriiy,  the  un- 
dersigned would  riftr  to  the  statements  and  declarations  of  out!, 
government  on  this  subject.  In  a  letter  from  Mr.  Smith,  the 
late  Secretary  of  State,  to  the  n/inister  of  France  here,  of  the* 
j8th  December  1810,  fepi-akini];  of  our  trade  to  that  coiantry,  un- 
cl'.JVHb  regulations,  after  the  pretended  repeal  of  the  decrees,  MHi 
Sn.Uh  says,  "The  restriciioi.B  of  the  Berlin  and  Milan  decreiea 
l",i»<J  the  effect  of  restrainiiig  the  Annencan  merchants  from  send^ 
ing'lheir  vessels  to  Ftarice.  The  iiitctdiciion&  in  the  systcnji 
that  has  becjv  substituted,  ai;ainsi  the  adnn  ibion  of  American  pro*- 
ducts,  will  have  the  effect  of  imposing  ujjon  them  an  cqiial  res^ 
-traint."'  ..otu-^-  .;;■■'.  •■  _j:  :U'/.: 

t'it  then,  for  the  revoked  decrees,  municipal  iaws»  ptoduci% 


iu^S)  ptpduci^^ 


f  2S^     • 

J^  HAihe  c»ninu»t'clal  effect  have  been  substlttttedt  the  mode  on* 

ly,  And  not  the  measure,  ha»  undergone  an  alteration.     And^hovr* 

Wr  true  itjniii^y  be,  that  the  chsMi^e  ia  lawful  in  form,  it  ij»,  ne* 

rertheiess,  as  true,  that  it  is  essentially  unfriend  If >  and  that  ft  dneit 

aot  at  all  co  nport.  with  the  ideasi  ioapired  by  yoiur  letter  of  ^ho 

^iTih  ult.  in  which  you  were  {>]eased  to  declare  the   "  distincMf 

^ronbuced  intc'  tion  of  his  imperia)  majesty  of  favoring  the  con- 

.nercial  relations,  between  France  and  the  United  States,  in  all  t'.^e^ 

E>bjects  of  tra^c,  which  shall  evidenttf  proceed  from  their  agrji^* 

EultuttBS.^     ♦*  If  France,  by  her  own  acts,  baa  blockaded  up  -htiti 

pprts  against  the  introduction  of  the  products  of  tbe  U.  States 

what  moth'e   ha's  this  governmentf  in  a  discussion  with  »  tliird 

j)ow.3r,tb  insist  on  the  privilege  of  going  tcTFrance  ?  Whence  the 

IndticenAent,  to  urge  the  annulment  of  a  blociiade  of  Prance»  when^ 

^f  aniiulled,  no  American  cargoes  Could  obtain  i^  market  inany  of 

^^r  ports;    In  such  a  state  of  things,  a  blockade  of  the  Cc>ast  of 

frarice  would  be,  to  the  United  States,  at  unimportant,  as  would  be 

"■^  blockade  of  the  coast  of  the  Caspian  sea," 

And  so  far  has  the  French  emperor  been  from  relaxing,  in  whoe* 

r  ill  part,  these  odious. tcguJations  as  to  us,  in  consequence  of 

p  submitting  to  give  up  our  iBnglwh  trade,  that  they  have  heea 

^de  a  subject  of  special  instructions,  to  the  minister,  who  haft 

ecn  sent  to  the  court  df  Francev     5tr.  Moncoe,  in  his  letter  of 

Istructions  to  Mr.  Barlow  bf  July  35,  1  fill,  sqi^^  «'Your  earif 

|d  purticular  attention  will  be    drawn  to  tbe    gruat  subject  of 

le  commiercial  relation,  v^Mcji  is  to  8ubsi«t,in  futtkre»  betwecsii 

Te  United  'Statfes  and  Fraace.     The  President  expects  that  th« 

)mraerce  of  the  'United  States  will  be  placed,  in  the  ports  of 

france,  bn  such  a  footing  as  to  alTord  it  a  fair  market;  and  to 

pie  industry  and  enterprise  of  their  citizens,  a  r<5»sonable  eocour- 

|rgement.     An  arrangement  to.  this  effect  was  looked  for,  im« 

lediately  after  the  revocation  of  the  decrees,  but  it  appears  frqin 

)e  documents,   in   this  department,  thajL  was  not  the  case;  oH 

^e  contrary  that  our  commerte  has  b^tn  mbjrfted  to  the  greats 

U  d{»cdur0gementi  or  rat  her  ^  to  the  moat  ofifiregtive  rettraints^ 

|at  the  vesnels,  which  cariied  coffee  sugar  &c.  though  sailing 

Irectly  from  the  United  States  to  a  French  porti  were  held  in  » 

late  of  sequestration,  on  the  principle,  jthat  the  trade  was  pro- 

|ibed,and  that  the  importation  ohhesc  articles  was  not  only  uo- 

awful,  but  criminal ;  that  even  the    vessels,  which  carried  ihs 

luquestionable  productibns  of  the  United  States,  were  exposed 

io  great  and  expensive  delays  to  tedious  investigations,  in  unu- 

luat  forms,  and  to  exorbitunt  dudes.    |n  short  that  tho  ordinary 

Isa^es  of  commerce  between /r«»d/y  rtc<i»n«  were  abandoned,** 

,^8**^i**«^:  fijunroe,  in  the  same  letter  says,   «'if  the  ports  of 

•J^¥iM'^  *»«*'  aUiesare  not  6pen,«d  to  the  commerce  of  ih* 

Ji.itie'd  StatGSi  on  a.  libKial  sfiila    s.r\A  mi.  f^i:^  ^.-i^.-iuu-^.^  .j'    :i~.tA  - 

pvftff'totttei^MtB^y  b«iM»kdd,  will  b^  the  reVociiUOBof  theBrit* 


'i 


\h 


Hit 


, ^f,  ordcrt  hi  council  ?  Iii  contending  forthe i««*»«yioi«:<»l^th»il 
4?<!crs.  BO  fur.  as  it  was  an  object  of  interest,  the  United  btateii  | 
liad  ill   view,  a   tmte  to  the  Corttinent.     It  was  a  fair  legitimato  | 
(bject  and  vortb  contwu  ag  for,  while  France  encouraged  u.~ji 
Vut  if  she  shuts  her  oorts  oti  oiir  cbmroetce,  or  burdens  «  witft 
Bcavy  duties,  that  motive  U  at  an  end."    He  again  says,  «y«ij 
Nvill  see  the  iniustice  and*  endeavotir  to  prevent  the  necessity  oT 
brinainc  in  return  for  American  cargoes,  soW  in  France  ai»  cW 
dual  anfotfnt  in  the  produce  or  manufactures  of  that  country. 
No  such  oblfKation  is  imposed  on  French  merchants,  trading  t* 
L  Uiiited^ates.     TH^  ehjby  the  liberty  of  staling  their  c^^ 
«oeb  for  cash,  aiid  taking  back  what  they  pleased  from  this  counj 
trv,  I    retwn.    It  is  indispehsablf ,  that  the  trade  be  free,  that  alt 
An  eridan  citlieris  en^ged  in  it  be  placed  on  the  wn^^  /ooting, 
ir.d,  with  this  *1ew,  that  the  sytJicni  of  <iarryiflgiton,>y  licencefin 
jrraitedby^rendh  agents  ^c  immediately  Annulled.  1 

-  f  ht  despatches  froth  Mf.  Barlp^,  by  the  Hornet,  mostc  earlf 
ifhdu  tlial  tnt  expectations  of  our  govertiment  haw  not  only  now 
been  realised,  but  that  ^vWiti  the  promises  Obtained,  «>r««»;j;^'"- 
Ister  ar^  of  a  very  unsatisfactory  nature.  Indeed  while  Bona- 
liat  tc  is  sending  arthies  to  tK6  nort.K  ^f  Europe,  to  take  possess- 
ivP  ot  the  ports  0.^  the^aUic,  aftd  1)y  Rls  fiwt  swfing  squadron^ 
is  burning  Attiericah  v^siels,  dii  tlie  Atlaiitic,  all  expectations  ofl 
a  tree  tradt  ft-ot^  Krance,  must  tie  #brse  than  Vain.    . 

KoiwithstanditVg  the  violence  of\he  beUigercnts,  vere  the  re- 
sliif  tions  of  bur  own  g«verhmentyemoved,  the  commerce  ottti* 
tjvued  States  mighl  Be  oitepliVe   stud  profitable.    R  i*  wdl 

fencwii  thitt  (r«5tfi  the  gtUa^itr/  of  our  "^f^*"*  A*5'J*'**'^*Jl!S 
seis  wfcrfe  atlbwed  to  arm  anaasaociatc,  for  felf  delenc*,  theyi 
lipouW  be  able  id  reper#iaBj(  unlawful  aggressions.  The  dan- 
cev  of  capital e  would  fie  Wiriiiifaishcdi  and  in  relation  to  ow;  of 
tl.e  bclJiKtrcnts^  at  kast,  the  risk,  Uiici'er'  siich  circumstance^ 
vi^uhi  soon  be  mea«'Ured  l?y  insurance,  ;.       ,       .  J 

The  discbssions  ol  oui*  goverDttient,  m  relation  to  th^.  BntiSBI 
orders,  in  cbuvcil,  give  a  currency  tO  the  opinion  that  they  exwtj 
witbo'iit  n.bdification  According  to  tl.rtJ  extent  of  the  first  pnnciJI 
Tikb  nn  which  they  were  issUcd,  And  the  French  muutrtCr,iBl 
li-s  ist  communication,  on  thU  subject,  made  to  the  Co|i*erva4 
tlvt-  ^»  nat'e,  oif  the  I'Oth  of  M»y  1806  «  as  artnlhilating  th«  riRhtfl 
iA\  maritime  stutes  u»d  puttins  under  interdiction  whol#  JoastJI 
d  eivpires}"  and-of  the  orders  in  coancif  of  1807,  aa  IftoughJ 
II  subsisting,  and  that  accOidihg  to  thejr  principles,*!!  ves/ 
Is  wert  compelled  "W  pay  a  tribute  to  pwgMd*  at^d  all  r^f' 
ioes  a  tariff  to  her  custotti*."  What  the  real  extent  ai|t.  pim^, 
l\v\v  of  the  btocki-dv  bfMay  l«06  wem»  havo  ali:e»dy^^n  ei^ 
pl^ivKMi.    Wiih  rc«p^crl>the^fi.i^J%d«rs^  l<Of,^^t| 


and 
Btil 

8tl« 


;|l»,  lum    ujf 


^^)*«tryoked  ur  mbdlfied}  ah4 


^'llMuim'&c^^Af  AnyM  lAJt^ the! 


«/» alt  Dorts  »fld  Jilacci  in  .the  northern  pai  ts  ot  ituiy  vo  u 

The  effect  .th^  of  the    J^nti,*!!  or#r»  ^  ''if  *rt„? L^d  indl 
brrtis  to  depmeusofthe  eoraipcrcc  of  Pratice^HoI  a^^^^^ 

^^ntSr      And  the,  I^av.,op^n.M?.^^ 

ncd  by  recurreiice   to  the  su^ome^  aWe,  ^»  "j'^^^^,^,, 
Jate  of  our  commerce  during  J  §06  and4«07-The  t*^  ^u^thS 
SS^  to  the  operation  of  ,^  -^^^cUve^^^  ^HX 
«ble  it  wears  that  t^  val|?e  ^^^P^^^M^  two 

*"•'  Wk:r^^;^4.  of  ou.  do^e.t^  e^Pon..  to^ 
h.  parts  of  the  world,  and  w^ich  *re  fo^ip^^^'^^'^vt^-g;;!^^^^^^^^^^ 
Pin^^e  efffect  ^  the  British, order.  J.>  "flf  ^^^ed  to 
^  ei^rht  millions  !     So  extensive  a  commerce,  U  »*  pto?**^^^  7 
^;:^evS?%e  restricted^ride  /jie  m-jtSS^^v  t 
>w.     A  trade   burdened  by  unpositioua,  9r^^«*»**^^ ''^  J^*t 
^,  from^enjh  dcminiiopf  and  F''^'^  /^«"^«'::X."S*^ 
mhkse  officers,  in  ^piost  every  port  pi  <^g"""^;  f  I  ^^^' '1^!; 
As  in  the  scale  oi  comn^ercial  a<llvanti^se»  F'^'^n^.^^^^*;  ""'^^^^^ 
,ffer,  in  return,  for  the  many  9«>vious  bj^f'^^'T^^^^'^^^""  f 'f, 
a  ihi  wish  of  her  Empero,^  "^^  P''^'''^^^'^'^^1^XZ. 
^r;  so,  in  the  moral  esUmate  of  "*»^'>"*^  Ff^^^Ste^ 
le  character  to  «am,  or  coii»olation  to  expect,  la  the  daft  s^ene 
f  things,  on  which  we  are  entering. 

"""^V^'iw  of  doB|<ftic  iirpdttcet  cxportcv'  to    >  the  in^ 

lo  ito6<  ^,^       ^  _^^^, 

rhol«  Aaottiit  D41  «53  7sy 

J*©  Fraocc  l,a»6,69|   > 
ITo  Hoilaod,  «Ofr 

f    part  of  France  a  ^  «(i4 
;^0  Italy  «tjf»i46 

7  o»s  00ft 

["VBltfgniadsid  ' 

Jjgpeadl^eles        I9I79^«X 

^  tbe  woild       y  *os  1 .  740 


..•^' 


^  />4  *3* 


•79  5  07T 
14.7  9  "83 


^jM 


!•:■;    R  .F 


fiiiiiil 


^3^  nation, like  tfic  United  States,  hfippy  in  iw  great  local  ref»»i 
SlTons';  rejTot^nvci]  iriini  ihf  bloody  tlitatrtof  Europe ;  with  9 
ins^ritime  border,  opening  vast  fields  forenterprizu  ;-  with  terri- 
torial posae&sioiis,  exceeding  every  real!  want  ;—~it»  6 resides 
-iafe;— -its  altars  undefiled^ — from  invasion  nothing  to  teai  ;■>. 
from  acqui«ition  nothing;^*  hope ;— how  shall  sh'ch  a  nation- look 
iio  heaven  for  its  smiles,  while  thriiwing  awa^,  as  though  thty 
iiirere  worthless,  all  the  blcsung«  and  joys,  which  peace  at4  such 
a  distinguished  ioU  include 7  With  what  prayers  cun  it  addre&» 
the  most  high,  when  it  prepares,  to  Roiir  fprth  its  youthful  rage^- 
tipon  aneighbbring  people;  ffbni^  whose  sfrenjjth,  it  has  noth- 
ing to  diread,  froth  whose  devastation  it  has  nothing:  to  gain  •' 

It  our  ilk  were  of  a  nature,  that  war  would  remedy;  if  wafi 
VOui4  fHjmpensatc' any  bl  ourloKjBtes;  or  remove  any  of  oiir  com- 
piaiiHs,  tjiicrc  might  be  some  tUtjbviatibh  of  tlie  siufferingv  in  the 
cj.41  nil  df  the  prospect.  But  hoyr  will  war  upon  the  land,  protect  / 
coniinerce  wpbh  the  ocean  i  W hat  balof  bits  Canada  for  wound'* 
«d  honor?  Ho)?  are  our  marinei'ci beilefited  by  a  waf,  which  ex- 
poselji  those,  wbo'lare  fifee,  wiibotit  prboiiAing  release  to  those^ 
vho  we  impresaed"?  :;■;';.■     ;'■"■■    ■■        :,v  ::■■''■'■.';■ '■,.^■ 

J^ut  it  U  §44  i**t  wit"  i»  'deMaiidiBir  by  honor.  Is  natioitial  hon- 
«r  >  prthcii^tWch  thirsts  after  vengeattce,  and  is  appeasedi, 
^tily,  by  bioio«';  ,i»bich,trampUng  on  thi^  hopes  of  man,  and  spurn- 
ihg  the  law  ol  Godj  untaught  by  what  is  past  and  careless  of  what 
is  to  f:otfte,  pi^cipitates  itself  into  iahy  ioily,  or  madness,  to  gra- 
tify a  selfish  viinity;  oJr  to  satiate  some  unhaliowed  rage  i  It  hon- 
^j  demands  a  War  ^ith  Engiaiid,  wb&t  opiate  lulls  that  honor  to 
*leep  over  the  wrotigs  done  us  by  Fwihce  t    On  land,  robberies, 
Seizures,  impriai^^cntst,  by  frehch  authority  j    at  sea,  piiiaj^e, 
linking  burning|i;ujri^er  French  orders,      "i^  hese  are  netorious. 
Are  tjiey  ttnCeli'j^Ci&tt^f  ihey  ate  French  I    Is  any  alleviation  t« 
1)6  jfqund  in  tlfildf'reij^ondence  atiil  httmiliations  of  the  present 
Hinister  Pleibip^entJary  oi  the  y.  States  at  the  trench  Couit  I 
In  his  comnmhicatibns  to  our  government,  as  before  the  public, 
■where  isUie  cau^  for  now  selecting  Fi^^ice,  ^s  th^  friend  oipujf 
couiitry  ana  ]||j|;iand  a?  the  %pemy  ?     , 

If  no  ilittaioiMS  of  persbiiarfecling,  ind  no  adUcitude  ffir  elevai 
tien  of  place,  should  be  permitted  to  n)iftgui4<i  the  public  coun- 
cils ;  if  it  is,  indeed,  honoi able  for  the  trtt«i  atatesm^  to  consult 
the  public  welto,  to  provide,  in  tru0,  for  Uie  p^iblic  deifence, 
ancl  impose  no  yoka  of  bon4^ ;  with  full  kiiow4e4ge  bf  tii« 
■vvion^s  iniliicted  by  the  French,  Ou^  the  governm^  bi  thi^ 
Cf>6atry,  to  aid  thf  French  cauae,  bj^  cnfagtRg  itt  Krar,  %am i^ 
tin;  em  my  oi  Fiance  ?  Tb  9Upp^  tMt  waitf  of  attCh  a  war|rtwl  to 
Jiicct  the  approdriatipflj^  of  ||i4iL4«ina_  fijuj^  SitiU,*. 

eiit;ciidituies,  mu&t  our  tciloiK*c»u;t,eni,  ihtotighout  the  Ktiioii, j^     * 
doomed  to  sustain  ibe  burdcn^ti  w.ai -taxes,  in   Vatidtta  ^ma^i^ 
direct  aiu  indirect  impo'sniim  i  Foj«otlicial  iniormaiiMn,rcspect* 


^1^^\  "^^^cr      -^  -  -'•T^—  -••  -  •^■^■^^mmtr^  _5.».*^^ 


.**•«•' i>w 


»«•*•   «»»  ,     ;flpi.. 


r  «•*  f 


Means,  and  to  the  body  of  resoH^tions,   pa^ed  in  March  last,  i!> 
the  House,  of  Repreacntatives,      ;,        .^  C   •■       ,.,    , 

ItwouUibe  some  relief  to  ouran*ietv,  if  amends  were  liHelf  to 
Ibe  made,  for  the  weaKuess  and  wildnessofthe  project,  by  the  pru? 
dcnce  of  t|ie  preparation.  But  in  no  aspect  of  this  anomalous  afr 
lair  can  sve  trace  the  Rteat  and  diatinctiye  properties  of  wisdotn. 
There  is  seen  a  headlong  rushing,  into  difficulties,  witji  little, 
calculation  about  the  means  and  little  concern  about  the  confer 
queiices.  With  a  navy  comparatively  notuinal,  we  are  about  to 
«nter  into  he  lists  against  the  greatest  marine  on  the  globe. 
With  a  commerce,  unprotected  and  spread  over  every  ocean,  vr» 
piroi>ose  to  make  profit  by  priyaieerinjj,  and  for  this  endanger  th* 
wealth,  of  which  we  are  honest  proprietors.  An  itivasion  is  threat- 
ened of  the  colonies  of  a  power,  ^  which,  without  putting  a  nG% 
ship  into  commisbidn,  or  taking  another  soldier  into  pay,  caa 
spread  alarm,  or  desolation  along  the  extensive  range  of  our  sea- 
board. The  resources  of  our  country,  in  their  natural  state,  greit 
beyond  our  wants,  or  our  hopes  are  impaired  by  the  effect  of  ar- 
tificial restraints.  Before  adequate  fortifications  are  prepared 
tor  domestic  yde fence,  before  men^  or  money  are  provided  for  a 
war  of  attack,  why  hasten  into  the  midst  of  that  awiful  contest^ 
•which  is  laying  waste  Europe  i  .Jt  cajmot.be  concealed,  that  to 
enjiajje,  in  the  present  war  against  England  is  to  place  ourselves 
oi.  the  side  of  Frauce ;  and  exposes  Us  to  th?  v^ssaluge  of  ataies» 
serving  under  the  banners  of  the  French  Emperor. 

The  uudcrsigifted  cannot  refrain  from  asking, , what  are  the  U, 

States  to  gain  by  this  war  ^  Will  the  gratification  of  some  pr.va- 

tecismen  compensate  the  nation  for  that  sweep  of  our  legitimate 

commerce  by  the  extended  marine,  of  our  enemy,  iWrhich   tnis 

desperate  act  invites.^  Will  Canada  compensate  the  ijiiddle  states, 

for  New  York;  or  the  western  states  for  New  Orleans?   Let  us 

Inot  he  deceived.     A  war  of  invasion*  may  invite,  a  retort  oi  mva- 

isiuiiy     When  we  visit  the  peaceable,  and,  .as  tp  us,  innocent^  co- 

llonie's  of  Great  Britain  with  the  horrors  of  war  can  ,we  be  assur- 

led'that  our  own  coast  will  not  he.  visited  with  like  horrors  i 

At  a  crisis  of  the  world  such  as  the  present,  ahd  undet  impres- 
sions such  as  these,  the  undersigned  could  not  consider  the  war, 
I  in  which  the  V-,^.  have,,  in  secret  been  ptecipitatedx  as  necessar 
ry,  or  requited  by,  any  moral  dwiyj  or  any  political  expediency. 
CiEOKUt  5>t>LLiV.vN,  mArTIN  CHiT'lENDEN, 


SAiHJil.  BiUELOW, 
WILLI  A  *n  EL  it, 
WlLLiAM  REED, 

^XAbAN   WKbAlON, 


ELIJAH  HRIUHAM, 
JOSIAH  QUiNCY, 
SAML.  T  AUG  ART, 
LLO.VARD   VVUITE, 


.  .vr     T. 


1.'  t    >  w  ^^  A 


£    X^  £    A  . 


« 

1 

1 

:j^| 

tP»APlfno»ITU.S  C^^M- 

;:;,-  piON,  '/.-,:  ■■-■y':.'\. 

lONArO.  MOSELEY, 
lEWf%  p.  St  URGES, 
H.  BLEEtKtR,  ' 

ASA  FITCH, 
JAMES  MitNOR, 
C.  GOLDSBOROUGH,       > 
PHIUP  STUART,  r - 

JAMES  BRfeCKENRlbGl,- 
THOS.  WILSON,    -  ' 

aOS.  PEARSON, 


TOYMAN- L A VV,.,^      •"■    ;    '    '' 
TIMO/'>»VrK,lN':  Jan. 

BENlAMliy'  TALLilAIJqJBI 
JAME^  EMOTT,  ^ 
THOS.  R   GOLO,    , 

Ja.  !vi.  *Ip|J^EL1r/ 
Philip  B.  key, 

JOHN  MXEH, 
JOS.  i:EWlS,^uat 


ll^l 


hi!  ; 


111 


if 


NOTE  A. 
fuantity  (^t^articufat  articles,  the  firfiducf  t^the  ifnifedSt^tA 
expurtedfrom  1800  «o  l^U,  w>.  : 

COTTON. 


y=         ~ 


#00 


^o  all  parts  of  the  world, 
lbs. 
ir,789,80S 
20,911,201 

27,^0  i,ori 

41,;05.i2# 
$8^118,041 
40,383,4«J 
^,491,283 
.  66,612,7af 
12,064,346 
is  210,225 
93,874,201 
62,186 


8 
6 

5r 

8 

9* 

let 
Ml 


^Co  all  parts  of  the  world. 
Tieixea.        , 


Moo 
I 
2 
3 
4 
5 
« 
7 

a 

9 

10 

n 


112,056 

94,866 

,  79,822 

81,8^8 

78,385 

56.830 ' 

102,637 

94,692 

9,22S 

116,907 

131.341 

119,356 


To  France 
lbs.   ' 

none. 

.a44.7^| 

1,907,84? 

3,82 1,840 

«,946,848 

#,504,329 

.7,082,119 

6,114,358 

.2,087,450 

nolle  direipw 

4p.  ' 
do. 
RICE. 
To  Fran(;e. 
Tierces, 
none. '. 
2,724 
7,186 

H,014 
1,601 

9,006 
-Qone  direct* 
do.  •  ■ 
do. 
do: 


■''i:r 


To  ^nglan# 

lbs. 
U,l79,5ia 
18.953,064» 
?3, 47  3,92^ 
37,157,307 
35,77a,74ft 
32,57 1, #7 1 
24,256,45/ 
1^3,180,211 

7,993,593 
U)365,98y 
36,171,915 

^j872,45af 

T<>  England  &  Col^ 

vij--.w  Tierces. 
h  :' 77,547 
65,022 
37,393 
;}3,20O 
24,975 
34,737 

39,398  i 

37,417 
4,298 
33,138 
31, ua 
40,045 


"in  1*90,  inconbequenc^iif  the  embargo  and  non  intercosi^ 
«?t,  4  miiiious^rtindi  of  Cojtloft  were  shipped  lor  iMftdeir^T^U'^' 


.1 


TOBACCa 

lOSJSt 
'  •3,343^ 

9,57^6 
13,931 

•4,*, 34 
3*,888 


0^ 

,-■,- 

S 


f.4 


:s< 


r 

■ii 


Hbds. 

US 

5,00& 

.14,633 

18,13*     i 

9,U« 

56» 
none  directr 
do. 


^  tfhdfc 

37,794 

^^■^  r""V3M3»     '^^ 
,     47,82* 

'a3,(Hf 

»,d65 

34,o6:r 
afo,34*. 


569 
FISff,  Dried  or  Smdkcd. 
to  an  ^arts  Of  the  world,      to  France,:      To  England^CoUi 


I^OO- 

I 


i'w 


3 
.4 
5 
.  «■ 
7 

9 

ro" 
n- 


,'■  ^ 


diiintaW.  Quintals. 

T^one.  If  1,430 

1,687  n  1,030 

2T,0«7  92,679 

3.491,  fU*^9 

3^765  76S%% 

73,004  35,676 

iy,347  66,37r 

g7.654  55  24* 

1:6,  H4  2e,99» 

none.  66,3ftfr 

^      *3.i50  55,46« 

^r       38,633               %  a3,243r 
PICKLEO  FJSH. 
None  cx'ported  to  Europeun  France. 
FLOUR. 


Quintals. 

593,787 

4lO,94» 

440,9  3  IT 

-{61  870 

$67,838 

an  4,549 

i3^7,457 

473,934 

155,808 

345648 

380.804 

21  fir  387 


to  art  parU  of  the  world, 
Bbls 

^  -#>fOSl444 

i  1-156  34t 

8  I  35«  »53* 

4  ^    8i«;6o8 


To  France. 
Bbls 
lione 
do 
14  6u 

B8)04.f 

1,074 


To  England  &  Col^ 
'  Bbls 

•65  rj9 

•  ?58P*3 
484^886 
|o»,oo6 


and  a  halt  millions  to  th©  Floridsis,  6  miUions  to  Fayal  and  other 
Az!»«e&,  i  millioii  and  three  quarters  to  Portugal,  and  10  milUonaf 

to  Sweden.      >  .     ,,,  ,.        ,- 

t  1 810,  aboiit  4  milltons  of  p»«nds  of  Cbtton-  were  shipped  tor 
^baio,  3  millions  forPortUjjal,  9  milUoi^H  for  Ma^eira^  10  mUllon* 
f»p  FJoridas,S  millions  toi*  Europe  generally,  4  millions  for  Fajral 
flptl  the  Aiores,  14  miilipnsJbr  Denmark  and  Norway,  and  5^a»iK 

0oi»^  lor  Sweden:  \.  V        .>«•-* 

^in  1*11,  9miUioriii  Ibk  ofGottoa  wtM*  ibifiped  for  Ka9»|p 


A  .'> 


in. 


M 


I  ^.!% 


I 

9 

J?- 


•f  ■'*  ^ 


jittk%\ 


.J, 


st<5(. 


*Rf| 


'it 

4' 


:'sV''-A'' 


72,745 

«^  793 

i^.389 

«r,l*6 

149,69^ 


do 
d<^ 
do 


W^ 


I 

4 
6 

r 

■  ■  « 

10 


55,413 
3«.7e4 
4fV»fi 

77.fa3i 
9S,fi40 
74,731 
S3,45t 

17,06  J 


TtWip^mim. 


77  394 
•100,^42; 


3o, 
3a 

do.  ■' 
.d6» 
do. 
rvr.t  .  lAJMBER. 

}2  P^T  ^?*  q«Wt«i«f«  «f  Lun.ber  exponearihin 
.4nJy  a  few  Staves  aiMt  Heading  went  to  France,  ai 

Thouaaods  of  Staves  and  Headinc 

1801  -  -**- 

1803 

i804 


-32,580 
35,143 
39,76« 

«0',7S» 

76\95fK: 
94,3J» 

52,1  Of 

:7,oe» 
i3.$8£ 

^i&7,Ss6 


[800:tO  ir 


1805 
1804 

:i8o» 


m 


«si^#i«i«s»»»^.«.n|ggi^)i^ 


4,359 
35f 


♦.i.' 


m 


.75,895 
45  2 1 

If 3,p3f 

35,143 

%0]7Slk 

;    94,32» 

52,1  or 


80010  Iff 


9in»r 


59 

sir 


16 


,     .-.*.._ 

<^K 

"  ■ '  *j.- 

€ 

^^sHHft 

:lJ^K 

\    ^,Ml^^ii^ii 

^H^m 

